ft 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTONS 


anfc 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS 


|0ttt0tana  anfr 


INCLUDING 


TRANSLATIONS  OF  ORIGINAL    MANUSCRIPTS   RELATING  TO  THEIR 
DISCOVERY    AND    SETTLEMENT, 


WITH    NUMEROUS 


HISTORICAL  AND  BIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES. 


BY     B.    F.     FRENCH, 

i  \ 


MEMBER    OF    THE    LOUISIANA,    PENNSYLVANIA,    NEW    JERSEY,    NEW    YORK,    AND 
MASSACHUSETTS    HISTORICAL     SOCIETIES. 


NEW     SERIES. 


J.    SABIN    &  SONS,    84  NASSAU    STREET, 
i  869. 


SUBSCRIBER'S  COPT. 
No.   3 


Entered  according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1869,  by 

H.  B.  FRENCH. 

In  the  Clerk's  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  United  States  for  the  Southern   District  ot 

New  York. 


4- 


BRADSTREET  PRESS. 


PREFACE. 


H  E  history  of  the  discovery  and  colonization 
of  Louisiana  and  Florida  is  replete  with  inter 
esting  and  instructive  incident ;  and,  since 
they  have  been  ceded  to  the  United  States, 
it  is  gratifying  to  perceive  that,  every  year, 
the  events  of  their  early  history  are  becoming  more  attractive 
to  the  scholar,  and  that  portion  of  the  public  who  take  an 
interest  in  the  investigation  and  study  of  American  Colonial 
history.  And,  probably,  at  no  time  since  their  cession  could 
their  history  be  undertaken  with  so  many  advantages  as  at 
present,  when  the  more  enlightened  policy  of  foreign  govern 
ments  (especially  England,  France,  and  Spain)  have  thrown 
open  their  national  archives  to  the  inspection  of  the  scholar, 
from  which  he  may  now  gather  materials  for  history  without 
official  restrictions. 

It  is  from  facts  that  history  derives  its  importance,  and  not 
from  a  few  striking  incidents,  embellished  with  the  fascinating 
language  of  the  historian.  With  a  strong  desire,  therefore,  to 
explore  this  untrodden  field,  and  to  clear  up  the  mists  that 
hang  over  their  Colonial  history,  the  author  of  this  work  under 
took,  many  years  ago,  to  collect  materials  for  a  history  of 
Louisiana  and  Florida  ;  and  the  favor  with  which  the  First 
Series  of  his  u  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  and,  inci 
dentally,  of  Florida  and  Alabama,  was  received  by  the  public, 


M81212 


ii  PREFACE. 

has  encouraged  him  to  prepare  a  new  series  for  the  press,  under 
the  title  of  "  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF  LOUISIANA  AND 
FLORIDA,"  with  the  hope  that  it  will  not  prove  unacceptable 
to  the  Scholar  and  the  Antiquarian. 

In  this  work  will  be  found  translations  of  copies  of  original 
historical  manuscripts  deposited  in  the  archives  of  France,  and 
an  unbroken  series  of  important  events  which  occurred  in  the 
colonization  of  Louisiana,  from  1698  to  1721,  never  before 
printed  ;  also,  HAKLUYT'S  translation  of  LAUDONNIERE'S  history 
of  the  attempt  of  the  Protestants  (Huguenots)  of  France  to 
colonize  Florida,  from  1562  to  1567. 

The  object  of  this  work  is  to  trace,  from  historical  manu 
scripts,  the  gradual  advance  of  French  and  Spanish  colonization 
in  Louisiana  and  Florida,  and  the  progressive  extension  of  our 
Republican  institutions  over  the  vast  country  acquired  from 
France  and  Spain,  extending  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  to  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  and  its  conversion  from  a  savage  wilderness  to 
a  populous  and  highly  civilized  community. 


FACSIMILE    OF     ORIGINAL     AUTOGRAPHS    OF    THE    FRENCH    AND 
SPANISH     GOVERNORS    OF     LOUISIANA  : 


ADDRESSED    TO 

COUNT      DE      Po  N  T  C  H  A  R  T  R  A  I  N, 

ON    THE 

IMPORTANCE  OF  ESTABLISHING  A  COLONY  IN  LOUISIANA. 

BY  M.  DE  REMONVILLE, 

TRANSLATED    FROM    A    COPY    OF    THE    ORIGINAL    MANUSCRIPT    DEPOSITED    IN    THE 
MARINE    DEPARTMENT,    PARIS. 


PARIS,   Dec.  10,  1697, 


Jttonseigneur : 


H  E  country  wherein  we  propose  to  estab-  1607, 
lish  a  colony  is  one  of  vast  extent,  and  is  ~ 
watered  by  the  Mississippi,  and  its  tribu 
taries,  more  than  sixteen  hundred  leagues 
in  extent.  The  Mississippi  river  has  its 
source  in  the  north-western  part  of  North 
America,  and  its  mouth  in  the  south-west,  where  it  empties  into 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  There  are  many  large  and  beautiful  rivers 
which  flow  into  the  Mississippi,  both  on  the  eastern  and  western 
sides,  which  embrace  a  vast  extent  of  territory,  and  is  now  only 
inhabited  by  Indians. 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1697.  The  estuary  of  the  Mississippi  is  in  about  the  thirtieth  degree 

of  north  latitude;  and,  although  the  climate  is  warm,  it  is  very 
salubrious  in  most  places.  The  country  abounds  in  everthing 
necessary  for  the  conveniences  of  life.  It  produces  two  crops 
of  maize,  or  Indian  corn,  annually.  It  is  an  excellent  article 
of  food  ;  and,  when  one  becomes  accustomed  to  it,  the  corn  or 
Europe  can  be  easily  dispensed  with.  There  are  also  a  great 
variety  of  grapes,  which  make  excellent  wines,  and,  we  may 
reasonably  hope  that,  with  proper  culture,  upon  the  most 
approved  plan,  a  sufficient  quantity  of  wine  could  be  produced 
to  supply  the  wants  of  all  the  inhabitants  of  that  country. 

A  great  abundance  of  wild  cattle  are  also  found  there,  which 
might  be  domesticated  by  rearing  up  the  young  calves,  besides 
every  variety  of  wild  game.  In  the  south-west,  towards  the 
Spanish  settlements  of  New  Mexico,  the  country  abounds  in 
wild  horses,  which  the  Indians  readily  exchange  for  articles  of 
merchandize.  The  greater  part  of  European  fruits  which  grow 
there  are  of  larger  size  and  better  quality.  The  country  is 
covered  with  beautiful  natural  meadows,  affording  abundant 
pasturage,  and  the  forests  yield  an  abundance  of  building 
material  in  most  places,  which,  on  account  of  the  navigable 
streams,  could  be  cheaply  transported,  and  the  settlers  comfort 
ably  housed  in  a  short  space  of  time. 

The  country  is  beautifully  diversified  with  hill  and  dale  ; 
the  air  is  pure  and  invigorating,  and  the  winter  is  seldom  felt 
there.  From  these  causes  the  colonists  could  subsist  there 
agreeably,  easily,  and  abundantly. 

The  trade   in    furs  and   peltry  would  be  immensely    valuable 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA.  ^ 

and  exceedingly  profitable.      We  could  also   draw    from   thence       1697. 
a  great  quantity  of  buffalo   hides   every  year,  as  the  plains  and 
forests  are  filled  with  those  animals. 

The  country  abounds  with  white  mulberry  trees,  and  the 
climate  being  the  same  as  that  of  Sicily  (Italy)  and  a  part  of 
India,  silk  worms  could  be  easily  raised,  and  the  article  of  silk 
would,  in  time,  become  a  source  of  infinite  value  to  France. 
There  are,  besides,  large  districts  of  country  where  iron,  lead, 
tin,  and  copper  is  found  in  rich  deposits.  There  is  also  an 
abundance  of  cedar  and  other  wood,  of  variegated  colors,  suitable 
for  ornamental  work,  no  less  beautiful  than  the  Brazilian  wood, 
which  are  articles  of  prime  necessity  for  the  kingdom. 

Hemp  is  indigenous,  and  grows  to  the  height  of  eight  or 
ten  feet  without  cultivation.  In  many  places  the  country  is 
covered  with  it.  This  article  would  be  of  great  utility  for 
ropes,  cables,  sails,  and  the  coarsest  linen  fabrics. 

The  oak  forests  are  admirable  for  the  ship-timber  they  pro 
duce,  and  masts  may  there  be  obtained  equal  to  those  of  Nor 
way,  so  that  the  company  which  his  Majesty  might  select 
could,  in  a  short  time,  construct  all  his  vessels  by  simply  send 
ing  over  the  necessary  workmen. 

Such  are  some  of  the  advantages  which  may  be  reasonably 
expected,  without  counting  those  resulting  from  every  day's 
experience.  We  might,  for  example,  try  the  experiment  of 
cultivating  fine  and  long  staple  cotton,  as  well  as  tobacco,  which 
can  be  produced  of  as  good  quality  as  any  that  comes  from 
Cuba  or  Virginia  j  all  of  which  would  be  of  great  public  utility, 
and  promote  commerce  with  that  country,  which  will  be  all  the 


4  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS   OF 

1697.  more  advantageous  from  the  fact  that  it  will  not  be  necessary  to 
send  out  specie,  as  articles  of  merchandize  and  trinkets  are  all 
that  is  desired  by  the  Indians  in  exchange.  Besides,  from  this 
traffic,  a  vast  amount  of  specie  will  be  brought  into  the  king 
dom  from  foreign  countries. 

It  is  almost  certain  that,  with  good  pilots,  two  or  three  con 
venient  ports  on  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  and  in  Louisiana  might  be 
established,  which  it  would  be  the  interest  of  the  government  to 
fortify ;  and,  in  this  manner,  his  Majesty  could,  by  force  or 
arms,  soon  secure  to  himself  legitimate  possession  of  the  whole 
of  Mexico  and  Louisiana. 

SIEUR  DE  REMONVILLE  has  visited  the  whole  of  this  vast 
province  as  far  as  the  Illinois,  and  was  well  acquainted  with  M. 
CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE,*  who  gave  him  important  informa- 


*  The  immediate  result  of  the  discoveries  made  in  North  America,  by  M.  ROBERT 
CAVELIER  DE  LA  SALLE,  was  the  colonization  of  the  Mississippi  valley  by  the  French  ; 
and  although  the  object  of  his  last  voyage,  in  1685,  was  unsuccessful,  yet  it  finally  led 
the  King  to  send  an  expedition,  under  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico, 
which  contributed  so  much  to  the  glory  of  France. 

The  particulars  of  the  personal  history  of  M.  DE  LA  SALLE,  previous  to  his  voyage 
down  the  Mississippi,  are  few.  He  was  a  native  of  Rouen,  and  of  one  of  the  most 
distinguished  families  there.  In  early  life  he  resolved  to  consecrate  himself  to  God, 
and  entered  the  Society  of  Jesus.  After  passing  ten  years  among  them,  he  came 
to  Canada,  and,  under  the  administration  of  M.  M.  DE  COURCILLES  and  TALON,  he 
showed  his  great  aptitude  for  prosecuting  discoveries,  and  was  very  early  employed 
in  making  explorations  of  the  country  bordering  on  the  lakes.  M.  DE  FRONTENAC 
selected  him  to  command  Fort  Frontenac,  where  he  remained  nearly  a  year. 

In  1675,  he  returned  to  France,  and  on  the  I3th  of  May,  in  the  same  year,  he 
obtained  of  the  King  of  France  the  government  and  property  of  Fort  Frontenac,  which 
had  been  established  under  the  name  of  Fort  Cataraqui  (now  Kingston,  in  Canada 
West),  on  condition  that  he  would  erect  a  regular  stone  fort,  and  maintain,  at  his  own 
expense,  a  sufficient  garrison,  and  Recollect  missionaries  in  the  Indian  villages  around 
it.  Animated  with  lively  hopes,  he  now  returned  to  Canada,  with  thirty  men,  and 
scrupulously  fulfilled  all  these  conditions. 


AND   FLORIDA.  ^ 

tion  about  this  country.  He  was  a  man  of  distinguished  birth, 
and  possessed  a  fine  estate.  He  proposed  to  me  the  formation 
of  a  company,  the  establishment  of  which  should  be  without 

In  1677,  he  sailed  again  to  France,  and  in  the  following  year  he  was  commis 
sioned  to  prosecute  the  exploration  of  the  Mississippi  river.  The  letters  patent  ot 
1678  ["  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,1'  Vol.  i,  p.  35]  were  issued  to  him  with 
a  distinct  political  object.  The  "  El  Dorado'"  of  America  was  possessed  by  Spain, 
and  France  desired  to  seize  the  prize. 

COLBERT  thought  it  important,  for  the  service  and  glory  of  France,  to  establish  a  port 
for  French  vessels  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  the  French  might  establish  them 
selves  and  harass  the  Spaniards,  in  the  countries  from  whence  they  drew  their  wealth. 
With  these  objects  in  view,  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  undertook  to  descend  the  Mississippi 
which  MAROJJETTE  and  JOLIET  had  before  explored,  as  far  as  the  Arkansas  river.  On 
leaving  France,  he  had  the  good  fortune  to  have  had  recommended  to  him,  by  the 
Prince  DE  CONTI,  the  Chevalier  HENRY  DE  TONTY,  as  a  companion  in  his  discoveries. 
[See  Memoir  of  M.  DE  TONTY  in  "Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  i,  p. 
52.]  He  and  his  companion,  M.  DE  TONTY,  left  Rochelle  on  the  I4th  July,  1678,  and 
arrived  at  Quebec  in  September  following.  They  proceeded  to  Fort  Frontenac,  where 
they  were  joined  by  the  Recollect  Fathers  GABRIEL  Louis  HENNEPIN  and  ZENOBE 
MEMBRE,  members  of  the  order  of  St.  Francis.  On  the  7th  of  August  of  the 
same  year,  LA  SALLE  set  sail  from  Kingston,  in  the  Griffin,  the  first  vessel  that  ever 
floated  on  Lake  Eric,  with  thirty-two  men  and  two  missionaries,  and  in  a  few  days 
arrived  at  Detroit,  the  sight  of  which  was  pleasing  to  his  companions.  They  were 
delighted  with  the  beauty  of  the  scenery.  On  the  23d  of  August,  he  passed  through  a 
small  lake,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  St.  Clair,  and  entered  Lake  Huron,  and  in 
five  days  more  arrived  at  Michilimackinac.  Here  he  disembarked  from,  the  Grijfin, 
to  hear  mass  celebrated  in  the  chapel  of  the  Ottaiuas,  where  he  was  received  by  the 
Indians  with  every  mark  of  distinction. 

In  the  month  of  September,  he  arrived  in  the  bay  of  the  Puans,  on  the  western 
shore  of  Lake  Michigan,  and  on  the  i8th  of  September  the  Grijfin  set  sail  with  a  valu 
able  cargo  of  furs  for  Canada,  but  was  never  afterward  heard  of.  LA  SALLE,  after  the 
departure  of  his  vessel,  continued  his  route  to  St.  Joseph,  on  the  borders  of  Lake  Michi 
gan.  Here  he  erected  a  fort,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Miami.  On  the  1st  of 
January,  1680,  he  reached  Lake  Peoria,  called  Pimitoni  by  HENNEPIN,  not  far  from 
which  he  built  Fort  Crevecoeur.  LA  SALLE  now  determined  to  return  to  Fort  Frontenac, 
and,  before  his  departure,  he  instructed  HENNEPIN  to  ascend  the  Mississippi  river  to  its 
source.  While  he  was  exploring  the  upper  Mississippi,  LA  SALLE'S  affairs  grew  worse  at 
Crei'ecceur,  and  he  resolved  to  go  to  Montreal  to  put  his  affairs  in  order,  in  which  he  suc 
ceeded.  At  this  place  he  made  his  will.  ["Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol. 


6  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

697.       expense  to  the   King,  and  it   is  in   relation   to  this  that   I  have 
~~  now  the  honor  to  address  your  Lordship. 

M.  DE  LA  SALLE'S  design  was  to  go  to  Canada  and  take  with 


i,  p.  51.]  He  abandoned  his  extensive  plan  of  establishing  forts  at  different  points 
in  the  west,  and  pursued  his  route  to  the  sea.  He  left  Fort  Frontcnac  on  the  28th  of 
August,  1781,  accompanied  by  M.  DK  TONTY,  Father  ZENOBE  MEMBRE,  twenty-two 
Frenchmen,  and  eighteen  savages  of  the  Mohegan  and  Abenaquis  tribes,  the  bravest  in 
America,  crossed  the  portage  at  Chicagou  to  the  Illinois  river,  and  on  the  6th  February, 
1682,  he  reached  the  Mississippi  river,  which  he  named  Colbert.  Like  MARQUETTE, 
he  followed  the  course  of  the  great  river,  without  stopping  to  survey  the  beautiful 
scenery  of  the  adjoining  country.  As  he  drew  near  the  outlets  of  this  great  inland  sea, 
he  met  with  a  number  of  Indian  nations  inhabiting  its  banks,  such  as  the  Tamaroas, 
AkansaS)  Chickasaiios,  Taensas,  Choctaius,  Houmas,  and  the  Natchez^  rendered  celebrated 
by  the  writings  of  Du  PRATZ,  Du  MONT,  CHATEAUBRIAND,  and  other  travellers ;  but, 
being  obliged  to  stop  several  times,  he  did  not  arrive  at  the  mouth  of  the  great  river 
until  the  yth  of  April,  and  on  the  gth  he  took  formal  possession  of  the  country  in  the 
name  of  Louis  XIV,  which  he  named  Louisiana.  After  which,  he  ordered  an  authentic 
act  to  be  drawn  up,  and  a  leaden  plate,  on  which  was  inscribed  the  arms  of  France,  was 
deposited  in  the  earth.  ["  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  i,  p.  45.]  Thus, 
the  discovery  of  the  Mississippi  (COLBERT)  was  completed  by  the  French,  from  its 
mouth  to  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  and  LA  SALLE  retraced  his  steps  to  Canada.  In 
the  following  year  (1683)  he  arrived  in  France,  at  the  period  when  Louis  XIV  was 
at  the  height  of  his  glory,  and  was  acknowledged  the  most  powerful  monarch  of 
Europe.  Although  the  great  COLBERT  was  no  more,  LA  SALLE  met  with  the  warmest 
reception  by  his  son  SEIGNELAY,  who  was  Minister  of  Marine,  and  who  could  refuse 
nothing  to  LA  SALLE,  who  had  endowed  France  with  one  of  the  finest  countries  in  the 
world.  He  presented  to  the  Minister  of  Marine  two  memoirs,  which  are  printed  in 
the  first  volume  of  the  "  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana."  In  one  he  gives  an 
account  of  the  country  south  of  the  Mississippi  ,•  and  in  the  other  he  urges  an  expedi 
tion,  by  sea,  to  take  possession,  plant  colonies,  and  confirms  the  statement  of  HENNEPIN 
to  seize  the  mines  of  St.  Barbe,  while,  at  the  same  time,  he  alludes  to  the  possibility 
of  opening  a  passage  to  the  South  Sea.  He  proposed  to  his  Majesty  to  unite  Canada 
with  Louisiana,  and  to  extend  his  sovereignty  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  This  prospect 
was  readily  countenanced  by  the  King,  and  instructions  were  given  to  his  minister  to 
proceed  immediately  to  colonize  Louisiana.  Four  vessels  were  placed  at  the  disposal  of 
LA  SALLE,  and  two  hundred  and  eighty  persons  were  embarked  on  board,  and,  while 
preparing  to  sail,  he  was  joined  by  JOUTEL,  who  ultimately  became  the  historian  of  the 
expedition.  [See  Journal  of  JOUTEL,  in  "Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  i, 
P-  85.] 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA.  j 

him  a  large  number  of  persons  of  that  country,  and  proceed  to       I  697, 
the  Illinois,  and   follow  the  same  route  he  had  pursued   before  to 
the  mouth   of  the  Mississippi   river.      Having  arrived   there,   he 
would  commence  to  construct   forts,  make  a  proper  examination 


On  the  Z4th  of  July,  1684,  this  little  squadron,  under  command  of  M.  DE  BEAUJEU, 
left  Rochellc  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  Scarcely  had  they  set  sail  when  a  misunder 
standing  arose  between  DE  BEAUJEU  and  LA  SALLE,  in  consequence  of  which  it  led 
to  an  error  in  navigating  the  vessels,  and  went  out  of  the  proper  course,  instead  of 
being  at  the  east,  they  were  far  to  the  west  of  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  and,  on 
the  1 4th  of  February,  1685,  LA  SALLE  landed  in  St.  Bernard'1  s  Bay,  now  called 
Matagorda,  in  Texas,  at  a  distance  of  one  hundred  and  thirty  leagues  from  the  Missis 
sippi. 

The  first  object  of  LA  SALLE  was  to  build  a  fort,  and,  on  the  I4th  of  March,  M.  DE 
BEAUJEU  finally  abandoned  the  young  colony  left  on  an  inhospitable  shore,  and  exposed 
to  the  most  imminent  danger  from  the  natives.  When  it  was  completed,  he  ascended 
the  Riviere  aux  loaches,  to  a  distance  of  about  two  leagues,  where  he  commenced,  in 
July,  the  erection  of  another  fort,  which  he  called  St.  Louis,  in  honor  of  the  King,  and 
abandoned  the  old  fort.  This  was  the  settlement  which  made  Texas  a  part  of  Louisi 
ana.  LA  SALLE  now  resolved  to  go  in  search  of  the  Mississippi  river,  and,  in  October, 
he  left  the  fort,  leaving  JOUTEL  in  command.  At  the  end  of  four  months  he  returned 
to  Fort  St.  Louis  without  finding  it.  Another  expedition  was  then  resolved  on,  and  the 
fort  was  placed  under  the  command  of  M.  LE  BARBIER,  and,  on  the  I2th  of  January, 
1687,  M.  LA  SALLE  and  his  companions — JOUTEL,  Father  ANASTASIUS  DOUAY,  Cavalier 
the  Priest  MORANGET,  DUHAUT,  and  others,  in  all,  seventeen  persons — set  out  for  the 
Illinois.  On  the  1 6th  of  March  they  reached  one  of  the  tributaries  of  the  Trinity  River, 
Texas.  At  this  point  of  the  journey,  a  conspiracy  was  formed  to  assassinate  LA  SALLE. 
He  lived  about  an  hour  after  he  had  been  wounded,  and  was  buried  on  the  spot  where  he 
was  shot,  on  the  I9th  of  March,  1687.  "Thus  perished,"  says  Father  ANASTASIUS 
DOUAY,  "our  wise  conductor,  constant  in  adversities,  intrepid,  generous,  engaging, 
skillful,  and  capable  of  anything.  He  who,  during  a  period  of  twenty  years,  had 
softened  the  fierce  temper  of  a  vast  number  of  savage  nations,  was  massacred  by  his 
own  people.  He  died  in  the  vigor  of  life,  in  the  midst  of  his  career  and  labors, 
without  the  consolation  of  having  seen  their  results."  ["  Historical  Collections  of 
Louisiana,"  Vol.  iv,  p.  2,14.] 

To  him  must  be  mainly  ascribed  the  discovery  of  the  vast  regions  of  the  Mississippi 
valley,  and  the  subsequent  occupation  and  settlement  of  them,  while  his  name  justly 
holds  a  prominent  place  among  those  which  adorn  the  history  of  cilvilization  in  North 
America. 


8  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

697.       of  the   coasts,   and   upon   his   own   account,   establish    necessary 
measures  for  taking  permanent  possession  of  the  province. 

He  proposed,  also,  to  proceed  there  by  the  Gulf  of  Mexico 
with  two  small  vessels,  carrying  with  him  two  or  three  hundred 
men,  build  his  forts,  and  send  back  a  notification  thereof;  the 
two  projects  he  left  to  choice. 

He  supposed  that,  peace  being  established,  it  would  only  be 
necessary  to  notify  foreign  countries  of  the  fact  of  taking  pos 
session,  and  that,  being  in  no  danger  of  external  trouble,  other 
matters  could  be  arranged  at  leisure;  not  doubting  fora  moment, 
that  when  the  feasibility  and  healthfulness  of  the  establishment 
became  known,  a  multitude  of  persons  engaged  in  commerce 
would  readily  join  the  company,  and  in  a  year  or  two  all  the 
funds  necessary  for  its  perpetuation  would  be  easily  obtained. 

The  SIEUR  FOUESSIN,  a  skillful  and  intelligent  merchant,  who 
had  the  intention  of  joining  his  company,  has  pointed  out  the 
inconvenience  of  these  two  propositions.  He  has  represented — 
and  we  know  the  facts  from  other  quarters — that  the  English  enter 
tain  serious  ideas  of  forming  a  similar  establishment.  If  the  route  by 
Canada  were  taken,  they  would  not  fail  to  anticipate  us,  and  if,  by 
the  way  of  the  gulf,  with  two  small  vessels,  they  would  be  endangered 
by  the  English  buccaneers  and  pirates  who  infest  those  seas,  from 
New  York  to  Florida  and  'Jamaica-,  and,  in  this  manner,  the 
English  might  cut  off  those  two  vessels,  without  which  the 
enterprise  would  be  defeated.  It  is  known  that  vessels  clear 
from  the  Thames  under  false  pretexts ;  and,  moreover,  the 
Spaniards  would  not  look  quietly  on  and  behold  the  French 
settling  in  their  neighborhood,  without  aiding  those  enemies  in 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  g 

a  covert  manner,  even  if  they  dared  not  commit  open  hostilities.  1697, 
In  a  word,  he  does  not  possess  sufficient  prudence  to  succeed 
with  so  small  a  force,  and  if  he  should  miscarry,  he  would  have 
no  means  of  returning.  Your  Lordship  must  know  that  M. 
FOUESSIN  carries  on  an  extensive  commerce  with  England,  and, 
besides,  there  are  two  brothers  of  them,  one  of  which  is  now 
actively  engaged  with  the  English,  and  has  but  a  short  time 
since  returned  from  Virginia,  whilst  the  other  is  in  Florida,  so 
that  he  is  well  informed  of  the  designs  of  the  English  upon 
Louisiana,*  and  of  the  great  efforts  they  are  making  to  become 
masters  of  the  Mississippi. 

There  is,  besides,  a  rumor  that  Mr.  WILLIAM  PENN,  an 
Englishman,  has  sent  from  Pennsylvania  fifty  men  to  the  Wa- 
bash  to  make  a  settlement  there,  by  which  they  can  have  easy 
access  by  land  to  the  Mississippi;  and,  although  the  route  is  long 
and  difficult,  the  English,  who  are  not  easily  discouraged  when 
the  subject  of  extending  their  commerce  is  in  question,  will, 
without  doubt,  surmount  all  difficulties,  if  time  is  given  them. 

It  is,  therefore,  important  that,  in  forming  an  establishment  of 
such  importance,  great  diligence  is  necessary,  and  forces  suffi 
cient  should  be  provided,  that  the  enterprise  may  not  suffer  from 
interruption. 

To  insure  diligence,  I  have  already  a  number  of  persons  who 
will  join  the  company  with  pleasure,  provided  the  shares  do  not 
exceed  ten  thousand  livres  each.  Mr.  FOUESSIN  and  his  brother 
will  be  of  the  number;  they  promise,  moreover,  to  engage  two 


*  See  COXE'S  Carolana,  First  Series  "  Hist.  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  n,  p.  223. 

2 


10  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1697.  or  three  of  their  friends  in  the  enterprise;  and  I  have  two  or 
three  others  who  will  enlist  their  friends  also,  provided  your 
Lordship  thinks  seriously  of  the  matter,  and  will  grant  your 
protection,  and  such  conditions  as  I  shall  mention  hereafter, 
which  will  be  explained  in  a  separate  schedule,  article  by  article. 
The  persons  who  are  desirous  to  join  the  company  are,  for 
the  most  part,  either  from  their  own  knowledge,  or  that  of 
others,  well  acquainted  with  the  advantages  which  may  be 
expected  from  such  an  establishment.  But,  as  it  is  impossible  to 
find  a  sufficient  number  of  persons  who  are  willing  to  advance 
the  funds  necessary  for  such  an  undertaking  with  which  they  are 
little  acquainted — or,  at  least,  when  they  do  not  see  at  the  head 
of  the  company  a  man  who  has  acquired  a  high  reputation  in 
commercial  matters,  and  of  sufficient  strength  or  credit.  If 
your  Lordship  will  accelerate  the  enterprise  by  placing  some 
well-known  merchant  at  its  head,  with  such  others  as  you  may 
deem  proper,  there  will,  then,  be  no  difficulty  in  finding  the 
necessary  funds  to  make  the  first  voyage  with  success.  Every 
preparation  should  be  made  for  the  departure  of  the  voyage  by 
the  month  of  March,  or  sooner,  if  possible. 

As  there  are  vessels  now  leaving  for  St.  Domingo,  if  your 
Lordship  would  send  an  order  in  advance  to  M.  DU  CASSE,* 
to  fit  out  two  small  vessels,  manned  by  twenty  filibusters 
(flibustiers\  some  pilots,  and  an  engineer,  to  visit  all  the  coast 
of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  keep  a  faithful  journal,  and  even  a 
description  thereof,  and  especially  of  the  rivers  which  have  their 

*  Governor  of  St.  Domingo,  who  succeeded  M.  DE  CUSSY. 


LOUISIANA  ^NI)  FLORIDA.  ,  l 

outlets  in  the  sea,  with  an  order  to  send  to  the  Court  a  copy  1697 
of"  said  journal,  and  reserve  another  copy  to  give  to  those  ves 
sels  which  may  be  sent  to  found  the  establishment,  when  they 
touch  at  St.  Domingo,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  in  supplies,  as 
it  would  greatly  facilitate  the  enterprise.  And,  as  it  is  important 
that  the  expedition  should  be  kept  secret,  it  will  be  necessary 
that  sealed  orders  be  sent  to  the  pilots,  who  should  be  enjoined 
not  to  open  them  until  they  had  reached  a  certain  latitude. 

But,  if  your  Lordship  should  not  deem  this  proper,  the  ships, 
upon  their  arrival  at  St.  Domingo,  could  employ  the  two  small 
vessels  and  their  crews  in  sounding  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and 
finding  the  mouths  of  the  Mississippi. 

In  regard  to  resources,  the  shares  being  ten  thousand  livres 
each,  we  reckon  at  least  fifty  shares  in  the  commencement  as 
necessary  to  make  up  the  sum  of  five  hundred  thousand  livres 
of  the  original  stock,  and  the  more  we  can  obtain  the  better; 
but,  we  maintain,  to  a  certainty,  that  we  can  begin  with  this 
amount,  because  his  Majesty  would  have  the  kindness  to  relieve 
the  company  of  all  expenses  in  future. 

In  the  first  place,  the  purchase  of  necessary  ships  would 
absorb  the  greater  portion  of  the  funds  of  the  company,  if  pay 
ment  were  required  upon  the  first  voyage.  It  is  for  this  reason 
that  we  humbly  beseech  his  Majesty  to  lend  us  two  ships  of 
war,  of  from  forty  to  fifty  guns  each,  commanded  by  his  own 
officers,  the  choice  of  which  should  be  left  to  the  company,  in 
order  that  those  dissensions,  which  are  common  among  the 
King's  officers  and  commercial  companies,  may  not  be  injurious 
to  the  enterprise. 


I2  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1697.  The    said   vessels,  armed   with   suitable  equipage,  and    provi 

sioned  for  fourteen  months,  to  serve  as  a  convoy,  make  the 
descent,  and  establish  the  colony  in  the  most  advantageous 
position.  The  supplies  of  stores  and  provisions  is  estimated  for 
fourteen  months,  because  it  would  be  necessary  for  the  vessels 
to  remain  until  the  fortifications  should  be  in  a  condition  for 
defense.  His  Majesty  will  have  the  goodness,  besides,  to  lend 
the  company  two  or  three  transports,  and  a  corvette,  to  be 
armed  and  equipped  at  their  expense.  The  three  transports 
will  serve  to  carry  over  the  colonists  and  provisions  necessary 
to  support  them  during  the  voyage  and  one  year  in  the  country  ; 
all  the  instruments  and  utensils  necessary  for  artizans  and  labor 
ers  can  be  taken  in  them,  as  well  as  the  trinkets  and  other 
merchandize  necessary  to  make  as  presents  to  the  Indians. 
They  will  serve,  also,  to  bring  back  the  returns.  The  corvette 
will  take  its  departure,  with  dispatches,  the  moment  the  discovery 
and  settlement  shall  be  made.  In  the  second  place,  his  Maj 
esty  is  humbly  supplicated  to  grant  to  the  company  four  hundred 
(400)  regular  troops  of  the  marine,  commanded  by  their  ordinary 
officers,  to  be  transported  in  the  vessels  of  war,  and  landed  in 
such  places  as  shall  be  deemed  most  convenient  for  the  estab 
lishment  of  colonies,  and  to  remain  there  as  a  guard  and  pro 
tection  at  the  forts  which  may  be  constructed,  for  the  space  of 
three  years,  during  which  time  his  Majesty  will  have  the  good 
ness  to  pay  them  their  ordinary  wages;  and  the  company  will 
obligate  itself,  at  its  own  expense,  to  provide  security  for  the 
return  of  the  said  soldiers  to  Europe,  provided  his  Majesty  will 
permit  the  soldiers  and  non-commissioned  officers  who  choose 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  j-^ 

to   do  so,  to  enter   lands,  build   houses,  and   remain   there   upon       '697 
the  same  conditions  as  other  colonists. 

This  article  is  of  the  greatest  importance,  in  order  to  give 
solidity  to  the  colony.  For,  although  the  company  which  shall 
be  formed  ought  to  conduct  thither  some  seven  or  eight  hun 
dred  men — mechanics,  artizans,  laborers,  and  soldiers  at  the  same 
time — nevertheless,  the  regular  troops  would  be  necessary;  and, 
if  they  had,  however,  to  subsist  at  the  expense  of  the  company, 
they  would  so  absorb  the  greater  part  of  its  funds,  which  would 
be  of  limited  amount,  from  the  short  time  required  to  organize 
the  same.  On  the  other  hand,  it  would  cost  his  Majesty  no 
greater  amount  to  subsist  them  in  the  colony  than  in  France; 
and,  besides,  this  mark  of  protection  of  his  Majesty  would 
attract  a  great  number  of  persons  who  would  otherwise  be 
backward  in  intrusting  their  funds  in  the  enterprise. 

Whatever  company  your  Lordship  may,  however,  decide 
upon,  it  results,  of  necessity,  that  a  large  force  must  be  sent  there 
in  the  first  instance,  and  afterwards  repeated,  and,  to  this  end, 
the  funds  should  be  augumented.  This  may  be  done  in  two 
ways,  to  wit:  by  leaving  in  the  funds  the  profits  accruing  during 
the  first  years,  and  by  receiving  new  subscriptions  to  the  stock, 
which  will  not  fail  when  the  merchants  see  that  the  affair  is 
successful ;  but,  in  regard  to  the  latter,  the  new  shares  should 
be  in  due  proportion,  not  only  to  the  first,  but  to  the  increase 
which  shall  have  taken  place  on  account  of  the  returns.  In 
whatever  manner  it  might  be  obligatory  upon  the  company  to 
manage  the  funds  and  diminish  the  expenses,  it  is  necessary,  at 
all  events,  in  order  to  keep  the  colonists  within  bounds,  to  make 


,4  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

697.  them  work,  and  restrain  them  from  withdrawing  themselves 
from  the  country;  it  is  important  to  have  a  sufficient  number  of 
officers  to  establish  subordination  among  them,  and  see  that 
they  offer  no  insult  to  the  natives,  as  it  is  necessary  to  deal 
gently  with  them,  if  we  wish  to  reap  all  the  advantages  pro 
posed. 

Upon  the  first  voyage,  grain  and  vegetables  of  every  descrip 
tion  should  be  taken,  and  sown  in  those  places  best  adapted 
to  their  growth  and  culture,  and,  in  this  manner,  to  endeavor 
that  the  first  colonists  shall  not  only  provide  for  their  own 
sustenance,  but  be  able  to  give  assistance  to  those  who  shall 
arrive  thereafter;  this  would,  subsequently,  save  much  expense 
to  the  company. 

Cocoons  should  also  be  taken  out  for  the  purpose  of  raising 
silk,  together  with  persons  acquainted  with  their  management 
and  the  art  of  silk  culture;  these  could  instruct  others,  and  even 
the  female  Indian,  than  which  nothing  could  be  easier.  We 
may  remark,  upon  this  article,  that  in  lower  Daupbiny,  Pro- 
vence^  and  Languedoc,  there  are  people  who  are  much  better 
acquainted  with  the  culture  of  silk  than  in  any  other  portion  of 
the  country.  No  pains  should  be  spared  to  procure  the  most 
skillful ;  but,  for  the  first  voyage,  such  may  be  taken  as  could 
be  found  willing  to  go,  as  there  would  be  no  time  to  make  a 
selection. 

To  render  the  trade  in  hides  and  wool  more  profitable,  and 
to  provide  more  abundantly  for  the  inhabitants,  it  would  be  well 
to  encourage  the  Indians  to  capture  cows  and  lambs  alive, 
which,  while  of  a  tender  age,  could  be  easily  tamed  and  domes- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


15 


ticated.  Nothing  should  be  neglected  in  order  to  populate  the 
country.  The  abundance  of  pasturage  will  assist  greatly  to 
that  end.  It  would  be  well,  even,  to  instruct  the  natives  in  the 
art  of  raising  cattle.  Herds  of  horses  might  also  be  formed. 

The  greatest  possible  number  of  workmen  should  be  trans 
ported  there  ;  also  masons,  carpenters,  wood-sawyers,  house- 
joiners,  locksmiths,  gunsmiths,  blacksmiths,  and  others,  as 
necessity  required.  There  should,  also,  be  skillful  engineers  to 
plan  the  fortifications  and  houses  of  the  inhabitants  for  defense. 
Good  pilots  should  be  taken  over,  with  small  vessels,  with 
which  they  could  make  soundings  along  the  coasts  and  in  the 
rivers,  mark  out  the  dangerous  places,  and  those  most  con 
venient  for  anchorage  in  the  ports.  If  possible,  ship-carpenters 
should  be  of  the  number,  with  workmen  to  make  sail-cloth,  in 
order  to  rig  out  small  vessels  upon  the  spot  ;  also  rope-makers, 
cannoniers,  and  sailors  to  navigate  the  rivers  and  gulf  coast,  and 
for  the  fisheries  ;  and  such  should  be  selected  as  could  serve  in 
two  characters,  either  as  soldiers  or  workmen.  Two  companies 
of  dragoons  might  be  formed  upon  the  spot,  of  fifty  men  each, 
who  would  constitute  a  guard  for  the  security  of  the  workmen 
and  laborers  when  in  the  country  ;  for,  whatever  peace  may  be 
made  with  the  Indians,  they  must  be  always  carefully  watched. 
The  dragoons  could  be  mounted  on  native  horses.  When  the 
company  shall  have  been  formed,  such  things  as  may  be  neces 
sary  and  proper  may  be  added;  they  can  even  decide  whether  it 
would  be  prudent  that  women  should  be  taken  over  during  the 
first  voyage. 

There   are   strong  reasons   for   and  against   it.      If  they   are 


j6  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF  LOUISIANA,  ETC. 

1697.  taken,  it  may  be  the  source  of  libertinage,  debauchery,  jealousy, 
and  quarrels,  as  it  would  be  impossible,  in  the  first  instance,  to 
have  all  married  men.  On  the  other  hand,  women  are  very 
necessary  for  cooking  and  washing  for  the  mechanics  and 
aborers.  If  it  should  be  concluded  to  take  them,  the  chiefs  and 
officers  should  be  very  exact  in  restraining  every  disorder  or 
disturbance.  Such  women  should  also  be  selected  who  under 
stand  how  to  sew,  knit,  and  do,  also,  all  other  kind  of  house 
work. 

The  company  should  also  supply  the  colony  with  all  neces 
sary  medicines  and  refreshments  for  the  sick  :  books,  chapels, 
and  vestments  for  the  priests. 


NARRATIVE 


VOYAGE    MADE    BY    ORDER    OF    THE  KING    OF    FRANCE,   IN    1698, 
TO    TAKE    POSSESSION    OF 

LOUISIANA. 

BY     M.    P.    LE    MOYNE    D'IBERVILLE, 

COMMANDER    OF    THE    EXPEDITION. 


TRANSLATED    FROM    A    COPY    OF    THE    ORIGINAL     LETTER    ADDRESSED    TO 

M.     LE    COMTE    DE    PONTCHARTRAIN, 

DEPOSITED    IN    THE    ARCHIVES    OF    THE     MARINE     DEPARTMENT,    PARIS. 


EXPEDITION  OF  M.  D'IBERVILLE 


LOUISIANA 


TRANSLATED    FROM    A    COPY    OF    THE    ORIGINAL    LETTER    ADDRESSED    TO    M.     LE    COMTE    DE 
PONTCHARTRAIN,    DEPOSITED    IN    THE    ARCHIVES    OF    THE 

MARINE  DEPARTMENT,  PARIS. 


ROCHEFORT,  FRANCE,  July  3,   1699. 

Jttonseignnir : 

HAVE  the  honor  to  inform  your  Lord 
ship  I  arrived  here,  from  Louisiana,  on 
the  ad  inst.,  and  beg  to  transmit,  here 
with,  a  brief  account  of  the  expedition  I 
made  to  that  country  by  his  Majesty's 
orders.  I  set  sail,  in  company  with  the 
frigate  Le  Marin,  commanded  by  M.  LE  COMTE  DE  SURGERES, 
from  La  Rochelle,  on  the  24th  of  September,  1698,  and  from 
Brest,  on  Friday,  October  24th.  We  took  the  route  by  the  Cape 
of  St.  Anthony,  Cuba,  which  we  doubled  on  the  morning  of  the 
J5th  of  January,  1699,  and,  on  the  24th,  at  noon,  reached  the 


1699, 


20  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1699.  coast  of  Florida.  We  discovered  a  river,  situated  twenty 
leagues  to  the  west  of  a  Spanish  settlement,  called  by  them 
Apalachicola*  where  there  are  not  more  than  five  or  six  hun 
dred  persons,  who  have  no  other  commerce  with  the  Indians 
than  a  trade  in  deer  and  bear-skins. 

This  river  is  called  Indus  by  the  natives,  and  only  admits  the 
entrance  of  small  vessels.  From  thence  we  sailed  to  the  west, 
along  the  coast,  as  far  as  the  bay  called  Pensacola\  (Ocbus)^  into 
which  flows  a  considerable  river,  at  a  distance  of  thirteen  leagues 
from  the  Indus.  On  the  26th,  we  found  in  this  bay  two  ships, 
anchored  opposite  a  settlement  that  had  been  formed,  within 
three  months  past,  by  the  Spaniards,  from  Vera  Cruz.  There 
are,  at  least,  twenty-two  feet  of  water  at  the  entrance  of  the 
harbor,  which  is  very  capacious.  The  fortifications,  as  yet, 
consist  only  of  palisades,  of  about  a  man's  height.  On  the 
goth,  we  weighed  anchor,  the  wind  being  east-south-east,  and 
continued  our  route  towards  the  west,  and,  upon  the  3rst, 
entered  the  bay  of  the  Mobile  river,  where  we  anchored  in  eight 
fathoms  water.  On  the  4th  of  February,  we  again  weighed 
anchor,  having  found  upon  the  bar,  which  is  about  a  league  and 
a  half  from  the  bay,  but  thirteen  feet  of  water,  which  afterwards 
increases  to  four,  five,  and  six  fathoms.  This  bay  is  very 
beautiful  for  habitation  ;  and  a  large  river,  with  muddy  waters, 
empties  into  it,  at  about  the  distance  of  thirteen  leagues  from 


*  This  was  the  first  settlement  made  by  the  Spaniards  in  West  Florida.  It  was 
afterwards  attached  to  the  Vice  Royalty  of  Mexico. 

f  This  bay  was  first  discovered  by  MALDONADO,  an  officer  in  the  expedition  of  DE 
SOTO,  called  by  the  natives  Ochus,  and  afterwards,  by  the  Spaniards,  Saint  Mary  of 
Gafoez. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  21 

Pensacola.  At  a  distance  of  thirteen  or  fourteen  leagues  west-  1699, 
ward  of  Mobile,  we  found  a  place  formed  by  islands  and  the 
main-land,  where  there  is  good  anchorage  and  protection  to 
ships  against  storms.  I  resolved  to  leave  the  ships  there,  and 
go  with  the  small  vessels  to  the  neighborhood  of  Lago  de  Lodo 
(Muddy  Lake),  which  is  the  name  the  Spaniards  give  to  the  Bay 
of  St.  Esprit  (Bay  of  the  Holy  Spirit). 

Having  no  further  need  of  the  services  of   Mr.   CHATEAU- 
MORAND,  he  returned  to  St.  Domingo.*     On  the  2ist,  we  took 

*  Extract  from  a  letter,  written  by  an  officer  on  board  the  frigate  Le  Francois,  who 
accompanied  the  expedition  to  Louisiana  from  St.  Domingo  : — 

"  I  hope,  sir,  you  will  not  find  it  uninteresting  for  me  to  give  you  some  account 
of  the  vogage  I  lately  made  in  the  ship  Le  Francois,  commanded  by  the  Marquis  DE 
CHATEAUMORAND,  from  St.  Domingo  to  Louisiana. 

"We  left  France  on  the  I5th  of  October,  1698,  with  orders  to  rendezvous  at  St. 
Domingo,  where  we  were  to  open  our  sealed  packages  from  the  Court,  in  which  we 
found  orders  to  accompany  M.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  and  DE  SURGERES,  if  we  found  them  on 
the  coast  of  St.  Domingo,  as  far  a?  the  coast  of  Florida,  and  not  to  leave  them  until  they 
were  anchored  in  some  good  road,  or  in  a  port  sheltered  from  the  attacks  of  strangers, 
and  bad  weather.  Having  found  them,  we  set  out  together  on  the  ist  of  January, 
1699,  and  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Florida  on  the  24th  of  the  same  month,  the  winds 
being  generally  favorable,  though  very  light.  We  followed  the  coast  from  Cape 
Blanco,  as  far  as  the  isle  of  San  Diego,  making  continual  soundings  in  the  long-boats 
closer  to  the  shore,  for  the  purpose  of  discovering  a  port  5  we,  in  the  ships,  kept 
sounding  all  around  us,  as  you  will  see  by  the  plan  I  send  you  of  all  the  lands  dis 
covered,  and  bays  and  harbors  seen.  Every  place  where  we  anchored  was  marked  by 
a  buoy,  together  with  the  number  of  fathoms.  We  would  not  have  been  obliged  to 
go  further  than  Pensacola-de-Gal'vez,,  had  we  not  found  the  port  occupied  by  the 
Spaniards,  who  have  been  established  there  since  September,  1698.  They  have 
constructed  a  fort,  mounted  by  seven  or  eight  pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  garrison  of 
three  hundred  miserable  soldiers,  and  situated  on  the  western  side,  which  impedes  the 
entrance.  We  sounded  all  around.  The  place  where  we  found  the  least  water  is  over 
a  sand  bar,  that  extends  north  and  south  from  the  fort,  to  the  distance  of  about  four- 
fifths  of  a  league.  We  found  there  more  than  twenty  feet  of  water.  In  the  port 
there  are  two  places  where  a  ship  can  be  careened  in  twenty-five  feet  of  water.  There 
is  also  a  large  spring  of  fresh  water.  After  having  visited  this  port,  of  which  we  could 


22 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


1699.  our  departure  for  Malaboucbia^  the  name  given  to  the  Mississippi 
by  the  Indians,  and,  with  two  row-boats,  some  bark  canoes,  and 
fifty-three  men,  we  entered  this  river  (Colbert)  on  the  night  of 
the  2d  of  March.  I  found  it  obstructed  by  rafts  of  petrified 
wood,  of  a  sufficient  hardness  to  resist  the  action  of  the  sea.  I 
found  there  twelve  feet  of  water,  and  anchored  two  leagues  from 
the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  the  depth  is  from  ten  to  twelve 
fathoms,  with  a  breadth  of  from  four  to  five  hundred  yards. 


easily  have  rendered  ourselves  masters,  if  we  had  not  had  express  orders  not  to  molest 
the  Spaniards,  should  we  find  them  already  posted  anywhere  on  our  route,  but  to 
proceed  along  the  coast.'  Some  leagues  from  Pensacola,  we  found  a  bay,  called  Mobile  t 
which  we  sounded  everywhere,  within  and  without.  We  found  but  fifteen  feet  of 
water  in  the  channel,  and  breakers  all  around.  We  set  sail,  and  followed  the  coast 
line,  always  making  soundings  both  from  the  ships  and  long-boacs  nearer  the  land,  to 
see  what  we  could  find.  One  of  them,  having  found  good  bottom  between  some 
islands,  came  to  give  us  notice  to  go  there  and  anchor,  which  we  did.  In  the  morn 
ing,  orders  were  given  to  the  long-boats  to  make  soundings  all  around  in  the  neighbor 
hood  of  the  islands,  in  order  to  find  some  good  harbor,  which  was  accomplished  the 
next  day.  We  succeeded  in  finding  very  good  anchorage,  north  and  south  of  a  point 
of  the  island,  where  we  lay  at  anchor  all  that  day  upon  the  south  side.  The  next  day, 
M.  D'IBERVILLE  went  to  the  north  side  to  place  his  frigates  in  safety  against  dangerous 
winds,  during  his  absence  in  search  of  the  river  Mississippi  in  his  long-boats  and  gun 
boats.  We  remained  some  days  at  anchor  upon  the  south  side  of  the  island,  endeavoring 
to  find  out  something  relative  to  this  river  from  the  natives,  whilst  M.  D'IBERVILLE  was 
engaged  in  moving  his  ships  properly.  He  began  by  making  peace  with  them  after 
the  same  manner  as  was  done  in  Canada.  They  gave  him  a  friendly  reception,  although 
he  did  not  understand  their  language.  Three  of  the  principal  men  came  on  board, 
whom  he  treated  kindly,  and  gave  them  clothing,  as  they  had  on  nothing  but  the 
skins  of  wild  animals  to  conceal  their  nakedness.  They  made  signs  to  him  that  the 
river  of  Palisade  must  be  the  Mississippi,  and  that  it  was  about  fifteen  leagues  distant. 
The  place  where  we  discovered  these  Indians  was  on  the  borders  of  the  river  Pas- 
cagou/as,  inhabited  by  four  different  nations.  Learning  that  the  Marin  and  the  Badine 
were  anchored  in  safety,  and  our  provisions  being  barely  sufficient  for  our  return  to  St. 
Domingo,  we  parted  with  them  on  the  list  of  February,  at  the  place  marked  B  on  the 
map,  and  arrived  on  the  coast  of  St.  Domingo  on  the  1st  of  April,  whence  we  set  sail, 
May  loth,  for  France,  and,  on  the  23d  of  June,  1699,  anchored  in  Port  Louis."'' 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  23 

On  the  3d,  the  winds  prevented   me  from   making  soundings       1699. 


between  the  rafts  and  the  three  outlets,  which  extend  some 
three  leagues  before  entering  the  sea.  I  resolved  to  go  up  as 
far  as  the  Bayagoulas,  whom  we  had  met  with  at  the  Bay  of 
Biloxi^  and  who  had  given  us  to  understand  that  their  village 
was  at  the  distance  of  eight  days'  travel  in  a  canoe  from  the  bay, 
which  w.ould  be  equal  to  about  sixty  leagues.  As  I  had  already 
gone  thirty  leagues,  and  as  it  was  necessary  that  I  should  ascend 
the  river  to  become  acquainted  with  its  depth,  observe  the  places 
proper  for  establishments,  and  visit  the  various  Indian  villages, 
which  our  Frenchmen  said  they  had  seen  upon  its  banks,  in 
ascending  and  descending  the  river.  As  they  pretended  that  the 
tjhtinmpissas  were  established  at  a  distance  of  thirty  leagues  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  I  took  advantage  of  a  favorable 
wind  from  the  south-west  to  continue  my  route,  leaving,  until 
my  return,  the  work  of  sounding  the  passes. 

On  the  yth,  at  a  distance  of  about  thirty-five  leagues  up  the 
river,  I  met  with  some  Indians,  who  told  me  that  it  was  yet 
three  and  a  half  days'  travel  before  I  could  reach  the  Bayagoulas, 
and  that  theirs  was  the  first  village  I  should  reach.  I  took  one 
of  these  Indians  with  me  as  a  guide,  as  well  as  for  information. 
On  the  J4th,  I  reached  the  village,  where  I  was  received  with 
friendly  embraces,  after  their  manner.  By  exact  observations,  I 
found  its  position  was  sixty-four  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the 
river.  The  chief  of  the  Mongoulachas,  a  nation  allied  with  the 
Bayagoulas,  had  on  a  poitou- cloak  of  blue  serge,  which  he  told  me 
was  presented  to  him  by  M.  DE  TONTY.  I  was,  moreover, 
confirmed  with  regard  to  his  visit,  by  seeing  in  their  hands  axes 


24 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


and  knives ;  but,  from  the  sea  up  to  this  village,  I  found  no 
other  sign  of  the  French  having  visited  this  section.  I  met 
with  none  of  the  Tangipahoes  nor  ^ulnnipissas  mentioned  in  the 
narratives  of  the  Jesuits,  and  concluded  they  must  be  false,  as 
well  as  those  writings  about  Canada,  Hudson's  Bay,  and  the 
return  of  SIEUR  CAVALIER  from  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis. 

The  Bayagoulas  told  me  that  the  ^uinnipissas  dwelt  fifty 
leagues  in  the  interior,  and  consisted  of  six  villages.  They 
assured  me  that  the  river  was  never  obstructed,  and  was  navig 
able  very  high  up.  They  named  all  the  nations  that  inhabited 
its  banks  above.  But,  seeing  myself  so  far  up  the  river  without 
positive  proof  that  this  was  the  Mississippi,  and  that  it  might  be 
said  in  France  I  was  deceived,  not  having  met  with  any  of  those 
tribes  mentioned  in  the  narratives,  I  concluded  I  ought  to  visit 
the  Houmas,  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  among  whom  I  knew 
M.  DE  TONTY  had  been  ;  and  believing,  moreover,  that  in  the 
course  of  at  least  thirty  leagues  I  must  meet  with  that  branch 
of  the  river  spoken  of  in  the  narratives,  down  which  I  could 
send  a  chaloupe  and  canoe  for  the  purpose  of  exploration,  and 
ascertain  which  of  the  two  rivers  would  be  most  suitable  for 
settlements.  I  was  apprehensive  the  Indians  only  desired  to 
conceal  from  me  that  branch,  in  order  to  get  me  to  remain  upon 
theirs,  as  they  hoped  to  reap  some  advantage  thereby. 

I  renewed  my  journey,  in  company  with  the  chief  of  the 
Bayagoulas,  who  offered  to  go  with  me,  with  eight  of  his  men, 
and  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Houmas,  distant  thirty-five 
leagues.  On  the  morning  of  the  2Oth,  at  10  o'clock,  I  entered 
the  village,  which  is  situated  two  leagues  and  a  half  in  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  25 

interior,  where  I  was  well  received;   but  I  could  learn   nothing       1699. 
more  than  I  had  been  informed  of  before.     They  spoke  much 
of  M.  DE  TONTY,*  wtio  had  remained  some  time  among  them, 
and  made  them  many  presents. 

On  the  2ist,  I  returned  to  my  boats,  much  embarrassed  as 
to  the  course  I  should  pursue,  seeing  that  I  was  one  hundred 
and  thirty  leagues  from  the  ships,  and  one  hundred  from  the  sea; 
having  procured  no  other  provisions  than  Indian  corn,  without 
meat  and  without  grease,  my  men  were  fatigued  with  stemming 


""  M.  DE  TONTY  was  the  brave  and  confidential  friend  of  M.  DE  LA  SALLE,  who 
accompanied  him  in  his  exploration  of  the  Mississippi  river  in  1682.  In  1683,  he 
was  appointed  to  command  Fort  St.  Louis,  on  the  Illinois  river.  On  the  return  of  M. 
DE  LA  SALLE  from  France,  in  1685,  to  plant  a  colony  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi, 
he  went  at  his  own  expense,  with  forty  men,  to  join  him  5  but,  being  unable  to  find 
him,  he  returned  to  Canada,  and  put  himself  under  the  command  of  M.  DE  NONVILLE, 
to  engage  in  an  attack  on  the  Iroquois ;  and,  after  the  campaign  was  over,  he  returned 
to  Fort  St.  Louis,  in  1689,  to  go  in  search  of  M.  DE  LA  SALLE'S  colony  in  Texas, 
which,  after  many  months  of  privation  and  suffering,  he  had  to  abandon,  through  the 
treachery  and  desertion  of  the  men  who  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Red  River.  He 
again  returned  to  Canada,  and  subsequently  went  to  join  M.  D'!BERVILLE  on  his  arrival 
in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  He  returned  again  to  Canada,  and  was,  for  a  short  time,  placed 
in  command  of  Fort  Pontchartrain.  The  war  between  France  and  England,  which  con 
tinued  until  1713,  kept  him  actively  engaged  in  military  duties  at  Detroit  until  peace 
was  declared.  The  last  that  we  hear  of  M.  DE  TONTY  is  his  having  engaged,  in 
1717,  to  goon  an  expedition  to  hold  a  council  with  some  distant  tribes  of  Indians. 
He  probably  died  in  Canada.  His  achievements  in  the  exploration  of  the  Mississippi 
valley  must  always  rank  him  next  to  DE  LA  SALLE.  Whatever  doubt  the  failure  of 
the  first  expedition  to  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  may  have  produced  in  France,  must  have 
been  removed  by  the  letter  he  wrote  to  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  from  the  Quinnipissas  village 
in  1685,  on  his  return  up  the  river  Mississippi  to  Canada.  The  Memoir  of  M.  DE 
TONTY,  from  1678  to  1691,  translated  from  the  original  manuscript,  and  published  in 
the  first  series  of  the  "Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  i,  pp.  52-80,  1846,  is 
the  only  authentic  work  of  M.  DE.  TONTY  in  print,  on  which  was  afterwards  based 
(and  published)  a  spurious  work,  entitled  "  Dernier s  Decouvertes  dans  TAmerique  Sep- 
tentriona/e,  de  M.  de  la  Salle,  par  Chevalier  Tonty,  Gouverneur  du  Fort  St.  Louis,  aux 
Illinois.  Paris.  1697." 

4 


26  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1 699.  the  strong  current ;  and,  having  little  hope  of  finding  that  branch 
I  was  in  search  of,  I  thought  the  Houmas  would  have  the  same 
motives  as  the  Bayagoulas  in  concealing  from  me  the  truth.  1 
told  them  I  knew  there  was  a  branch,  and  desired  to  descend  by 
it  to  the  sea  with  a  portion  of  my  men;  that  this  branch  ought 
to  be  near  a  river  coming  from  the  west  and  falling  into  the 
Malabouckia  (Mississippi).  They  told  me  it  was  the  Tassenoeo- 
goula  (Red  River).  Finally,  I  told  them  I  would  visit  the 
Natchez,  or  Tpelois,  who  are  their  nearest  neighbors  in  ascending 
the  river.  They  offered  to  conduct  me  there,  and,  for  this 
purpose,  gave  me  six  men  and  a  canoe. 

I  left  the  Houmas  on  the  22d,  and  took  with  me  a  Tensas, 
who  was  acquainted  with  the  country,  and  had  travelled  over  as 
far  as  the  Arkansas.  He  spoke  to  me  of  the  Sabloniere  (Rea 
River),  which  he  called  the  Tassenoeogoula.  He  also  mentioned 
the  nations  dwelling  upon  its  banks,  and  across  which  M.  CAV 
ALIER  had  passed  upon  his  return  from  the  Bay  of  St.  Louis 
(St.  Bernard,  Texas).  Not  doubting  but  that  these  Indians, 
as  well  as  the  Tensas,  had  an  understanding  with  each  other 
to  conceal  from  me  that  which  I  was  eagerly  desirous  to  know, 
in  the  hope  that  I  would  go  to  their  village,  near  which  I 
already  was,  I  deemed  it  prudent  to  enter  into  no  further  engage 
ments. 

Besides,  it  was  time  for  me  to  return  and  look  out  for  a 
proper  place  to  make  a  settlement,  which  hitherto  I  had  been 
unable  to  find.  Moreover,  the  fleet  was  falling  short  of  pro 
visions.  I  retraced  my  steps  to  the  Houmas,  after  having  gone 
beyond  their  village  three  leagues  and  a  half,  very  much  vexed 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA. 


27 


at  the  Recollect^  whose  false  narrative  had  deceived  every  one, 
and  caused  our  sufferings  and  total  failure  of  our  enterprise,  by 
the  time  consumed  in  search  of  things  which  alone  existed  in 
his  imagination.  On  the  24th,  I  arrived  at  a  small  river,  or 
stream,  about  five  leagues  above  the  Bayagoulas^  on  the  east  side 
of  the  river,  which  empties  into  the  sea.  This  was  the  only 
branch  of  the  Malabouchla  the  Indians  pointed  out  to  us.  I 
descended  to  the  sea  by  this  stream  (Manckac,  now  called  Iber- 
ville)  in  two  bark  canoes,  with  four  men,  and  sent  the  chaloupes 
down  the  river,  with  orders  to  sound  the  passes. 

I  entered  this  small  river,  which  is  not  more  than  eight  or  ten 
paces  wide,  and  about  five  feet  in  depth  in  low  water.     It  was 

*  The  narrative  of  the  Recollect  here  referred  to  by  M.  D  IBERVILLE  was  that  of  the 
mendacious  Father  Louis  HENNEPIN,  who  came  to  Canada  in  the  same  vessel  with  M. 
DE  LA  SALLE,  in  1675,  and  was  some  time  employed  as  a  missionary  at  Fort  Frontenac, 
and  among  the  Iroquois  Indians.  In  1680,  he  accompanied  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  from 
Canada  to  Illinois,  from  whence  he  was  sent  by  him  to  explore  the  Mississippi  to  its 
source.  He  proceeded  as  far  as  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony^  and  from  thence  returned 
to  Quebec  ,•  and,  without  reporting  to  LA  SALLE,  he  returned  to  France,  in  1681,  and 
published  a  work  in  Paris  in  1683,  entitled,  "Description  de  la  Louisiana  noiwdlement 
decou-vcrte  au  Sud-ouest  dc  la  Nouvelle  France"  He  remained  some  time  at  Chateau 
CambrensiS)  till  ordered,  by  his  superiors,  to  return  to  Canada,  which  he  refused  to  do, 
and  was,  in  consequence,  compelled  to  leave  France.  He  passed  over  into  England, 
and  entered  the  service  of  King  WILLIAM  III  as  a  Spanish  subject,  and,  in  the  year 
1697,  publishad,  at  Utrecht,  a  work,  entitled,  "  Nouvelle  description  d"un  trcs  grand 
pays  situee  dans  rAmerique  entre  le  Nouveau  Mexique  et  la  Mer  Glaciale"  a  translation 
of  which  appeared  in  England  in  1699,  and  is,  for  the  most  part,  a  fabrication,  made 
up,  in  part,  of  reports  of  other  writers — LE  CLERCO^,  DOUAY,  JOUTEL,  and  others — with 
the  intention  of  robbing  MAROJJETTE  and  JOLIET  of  the  glory  of  having  first  descended 
the  Mississippi,  which  he  pretended  to  have  accomplished  himself,  and  whose  state 
ments  led  M.  D'IBERVILLE  to  commit  some  delays  and  blunders  in  ascending  the 
Mississippi.  Mr.  SPARKS,  the  historian,  has  completely  exposed  the  falsity  and  unrelia 
bility  of  that  part  of  his  work  in  which  he  claims  to  have  descended  the  Mississippi 
to  its  mouths.  He  died  at  Utrecht,  in  Holland,  shortly  after  the  publication  of  this 
fictitious  work. 


2g  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

699.  full  of  logs,  which  in  places  totally  obstructed  the  navigation,  so 
that  in  many  places  we  were  under  the  necessity  of  making 
several  portages  during  its  entire  length  of  eight  or  nine  leagues. 
After  a  while,  other  rivers  fall  into  it,  by  which  its  volume  is 
increased,  with  a  good  depth  of  water  at  all  times — from  two  to 
three  fathoms  in  the  river,  and  seven  to  eight  in  the  lakes.  It 
terminates  by  emptying  at  the  extremity  of  the  Bay  of  Lago 
de  Lodo,  eight  leagues  west  of  the  place  where  our  ships 
were  anchored.  It  passes  through  a  fine  country.  The  lake 
I  crossed  was  about  three  leagues  wide,  and  twenty-five  long. 
Its  direction  runs  parallel  with  the  Mississippi,  and,  in  many 
places,  they  are  separated  only  by  a  narrow  strip  of  land,  from 
a  quarter  to  half  a  league  wide,  for  a  distance  of  twenty-five, 
thirty,  forty,  and  forty-eight  leagues,  as  far  as  the  mouth  of  the 
Malabouchia.  I  reached  the  ships  upon  the  3ist,  finding  them 
forty-six  leagues  east-south-east  from  the  entrance  of  the  river 
which  I  had  descended.  The  route,  by  the  way  of  this  pass,  is 
the  most  convenient  to  reach  the  Bayagoulas.  There  is  but 
little  current  in  the  river,  whilst  that  of  the  Malabouchia  (Mis 
sissippi)  is  very  strong  and  rapid,  and  it  is  impossible  for  bateaux 
to  ascend  it,  without  encountering  floating  trees  and  detours, 
which  compel  you  to  wait  a  change  of  wind. 

In  descending,  M.  DE  SAUVOL  observed  a  place,  thirty  leagues 
from  the  sea,  that  was  not  inundated.*  There  was  another, 
about  twenty  or  twenty-five  leagues  distant,  where  the  land 
extended  back  a  league  or  more;  but  he  had  no  time  to  explore 

*  This  is  now  the  present  site  of  the  city  of  New  Orleans, 


LOUISIANA  AND   VIA)  RID  A. 


29 


it;  for  the  borders  of  the  river  are  covered  with  such  a  thick 
growth  of  canes,  that  much  time  is  necessary  to  advance  a 
league  in  the  interior,  nor  can  much  be  seen  immediately  around 
you.  There  is  from  eighteen  to  twenty  fathoms  of  water  in 
every  part  of  this  river,  from  the  Houmas  village  to  its  entrance 
in  the  sea. 

M.  DE  SAUVOL  was  prevented  from  making  soundings  of  the 
passes  upon  his  return,  on  account  of  the  strong  wind  blowing 
at  the  time.  The  entrance  of  the  middle  outlet  appeared  to 
him,  in  passing,  to  be  obstructed  the  same  as  that  to  the  east. 
The  wind  being  favorable  to  reach  the  ships,  and  having  but 
few  provisions,  which  he  could  not  obtain  among  the  Bayagoulas, 
he  hastened  his  return.  It  appears  that  those  Indians  had 
become  displeased  with  our  people  on  account  of  an  insult 
offered  them  by  the  Recollect,  whose  Breviary  had  either  been 
lost  or  stolen.  He  accused  the  Bayagoulas,  whose  chief  ordered 
our  men  to  depart  forthwith.  Nevertheless,  peace  was  estab 
lished  with  them;  but  our  party  was  obliged  to  depart  without 
any  supply  of  Indian  corn. 

I  learned,  at  the  village  of  the  Houmas,  from  the  chief  of  the 
Eayagoulas,  that  there  was  a  paper  among  the  Mongoulaches 
similar  to  the  one  I  left  with  them,  which  was  a  letter  to  the 
first  Frenchman  they  should  see.  This  letter  was  placed  in  their 
hands  by  M.  DE  TONTY,  to  be  given  to  a  captain  who  would 
visit  their  country  by  the  way  of  the  sea.  I  did  not  doubt  but 
this  was  the  letter  left  by  M.  DE  TONTY  for  M.  DE  LA  SALLE. 
I  gave  orders  to  my  brother  to  procure  it  in  passing  down,  or 
rather  to  purchase  it,  which  was  effected  in  exchange  for  an  axe. 


oO  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

699.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  letter  from   M.  DE  TONTY,  written  to  M. 

DE  LA  SALLE,  dated  at  the  village  of  the  *j)ummpissas,  the  aoth 
of  April,  1685,*  by  which  we  see  that  he  named  the  Bayagoulas 
and  Mongoulacbes,  the  ^uinnipissas.  I  do  not  see  for  what 
reason  he  did  so,  upless  it  were  to  conceal  the  fact  that  the 
Malabouchia  was  the  veritable  Mississippi,  and  to  avoid  the  com 
petition  of  the  Spaniards  in  the  neighborhood,  who  did  not 
regard  with  pleasure  our  approach. 

After  having  visited  several  places  well  adapted  for  forming 
establishments,  our  provisions  rapidly  falling  short,  we  thought 
it  best  to  commence  operations  at  the  Bay  of  Biloxi,  four  leagues 
north-west  of  the  place  where  the  ships  were  anchored,  and 
which  could  be  approached  at  a  distance  of  two  leagues.  There 
are  but  seven  feet  of  water  at  the  entrance  of  this  bay.  We 
made  choice  of  this  place,  merely  on  account  of  the  road,  where 
the  small  vessels  can  go  and  come  at  all  times,  and  where 
we  could  assist,  without  fear,  with  a  portion  of  the  crew,  in 
building  the  fort  which  I  ordered  to  be  constructed  there,  whilst, 
in  the  meantime,  the  place  most  convenient  for  the  colony  can 
be  selected  at  leisure.  This  fortf  is  built  of  wood,  with  four 


~x~  Letter  from  M.  DE  TONTY  to  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  : — 

"  VILLAGE  OF  THE  ^)UJNNIPISSAS, 
April  zotk,  1685. 

"  SIR, — Having  found  the  column  on  which  you  placed  the  Arms  of  France  thrown 
down  by  the  driftwood  of  the  river  (Mississippi),  I  caused  a  new  one  to  be  erected, 
about  seven  leagues  from  the  sea,  where  I  left  a  letter  suspended  on  a  tree.  All  the 
nations  have  sung  the  calumet.  These  people  greatly  fear  us  since  your  attack  upon 
their  village.  I  close,  by  saying  that  it  gives  me  great  uneasiness  to  return,  under  the 
misfortune  of  not  having  found  you.  Two  canoes  have  examined  the  coast  thirty 
leagues  towards  Mexico,  and  twenty-five  towards  Florida." 

f  This  fort  was  built  on  a  high  bluff  of  land,  and  named,  by  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  Maurepas. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  31 

bastions.     Two  are  made  of  pieces  of  timber  placed  together,       1699. 
one   foot   and  a  half  thick,  and    nine   feet   in   height.      The  two 
others  are  made  in  double  palisades.     It  is  mounted  with  fifty- 
four  pieces  of  cannon,  with  a  plentiful  supply  of  ammunition. 

I  left  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  naval  ensign,  in  command,  who  is  a 
man  of  merit,  and  capable  of  fulfilling  his  duty;*  my  brother, 
DE  BIENVILLE,  as  King's  Lieutenant,  the  SIEUR  LEVASSEUR,  a 
Canadian,  as  Major,  with  M.  DE  BORDENAC,  the  Chaplain  of 
the  Badine,  and  eighty  men  as  a  garrison. f  I  made  them  sow 
beans  and  Indian  corn,  which  was  growing  finely  at  my  depar 
ture.  It  is  believed  that  good  crops  can  be  raised  in  that 
country,  which  is  very  temperate.  On  the  3d  of  May,  M.  DE 
SURGERES  and  I  weighed  anchor  and  set  sail  from  the  roadstead 
for  France,  by  the  way  of  the  Bahama  Channel.  A  storm  from 
the  south-west  separated  us  at  the  Grand-Bank,  on  the  nth  of 
June ;  but  he  will,  no  doubt,  soon  arrive,  as  our  vessels  were 
about  the  same  sailers.  I  beg  to  submit  to  your  Lordship  this 
narrative  as  only  a  part  of  what  transpired  in  the  expedition  to 
Louisiana,  which  I  had  the  honor  to  command. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  my  Lord, 

Your  Lordship's  Obedient  Servant, 

D'IBERVILLE. 


*  It  may  be  inferred  from  this  phraseology,  that  M.  DE  SAUVOL  was  not  the  brother 
of  M.  D'IBERVILLE,  as  heretofore  published  by  writers  on  Louisiana. 

t  Officers  and  men  left  by  M.  D'IBERVILLE  at  Fort  Maurcpas,  Biloxi : — M.  DE 
SAUVOL  DE  LA  VILLANTRAY,  Commandant  ;  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  Lieutenant  of  the 
King  5  M.  LE  VASSEUR  DE  BOUSSOUELLE,  Major;  DE  BORDENAC,  Chaplain;  M.  CARE, 
Surgeon ;  also,  two  captains,  two  cannoniers,  four  sailors,  eighteen  filibusters,  ten 
mechanics,  six  masons,  thirteen  Canadians,  and  twenty  sub-officers  and  soldiers. 


ANNALS 


LOUISIANA, 

FROM  THE  ESTABLISHMENT  OF  THE  FIRST  COLONY  UNDER  M, 
D'IBERVILLE,  TO  THE   DEPARTURE  OF  THE 

AUTHOR  TO  FRANCE,  IN  1J22. 


INCLUDING    AN 


ACCOUNT   OF   THE    MANNERS,   CUSTOMS,    AND    RELIGION   OF  THE 
NUMEROUS  INDIAN   TRIBES    OF    THAT    COUNTRY. 

BY    M.    PENICAUT. 


TRANSLATED    FROM    A    COPY    OF    THE    ORIGINAL    MANUSCRIPT    DEPOSITED    IN    THE 

BIBLIOTHEOJJE  DU  ROI,  PARIS. 


LOUISIANA, 

FROM    1698    TO   1722. 

BY     M.     PENICAUT. 

TRANSLATED    FROM    A    COPY    OF    THE    ORIGINAL    MANUSCRIPT    DEPOSITED    IN    THE 

BIBLIOTHEQUE  DU  ROI,  PARIS. 


CHAPTER     I. 

WAS  born  at  La  Rocbelle,  France. 
When  I  was  fifteen  years  of  age,  I  felt 
a  strong  desire  to  see  foreign  countries ; 
and,  to  gratify  my  passion  for  travelling, 
I  entered  the  service  of  his  Majesty,  in 
1698,  on  board  of  the  frigate  Le  Marin, 
commanded  by  M.  LE  COMTE  DE  SURGERES,  and  sailed  from 
La  Rochelle  on  the  month  of  September  of  the  same  year, 
in  company  with  the  flag-ship  La  Badine,  commanded  by  M. 
D'!BERVILLE  (who  had  received  orders  from  the  King  to  sail  to 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  and  take  possession  of  Louisiana),  and 


1698, 


3  6  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1699.       from  Brest  on  the  24th  of  October.     We  had  favorable  winds  as 

~~  far  as  Cape  Francois*  (St.  Domingo),  where  we  remained   some 

days  to  take  in  fresh  supplies,  and  sailed  again,  on   St.  Thomas' 

day,  for  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  where  we  arrived  on   the   King's 

day. 

The  first  land  we  discovered  were  two  islands,  to  one  of 
which  M.  DE  SURGERES  gave  his  name.  This  island  is  five 
leagues  in  length,  and  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  in  width- 
We  cast  anchor  in  the  roadstead  between  this  and  the  other 
island,  which  M.  D'!BERVILLE  called  Cat  Island,  because  we 
found  on  it  a  great  many  cats.  This  island  is  seven  leagues  in 
length,  and  about  one  quarter  of  a  league  in  width,  and  distant 
about  one  league  from  Surgeres  Island.^  We  killed,  there,  a 
prodigious  number  of  wild  geese,  which  are  called  outards  in 
this  country,  and  are  of  a  larger  size  than  our  geese  in  France. 
We  found  fish  and  oysters  so  abundant,  that  the  crews  of  the 
two  ships  were  greatly  incommoded  by  eating  too  much  of  them. 
We  saw  no  marks  or  vestiges  of  human  habitations  in  either  of 
these  islands.  There  was  an  abundance  of  fresh  water,  of  a 
palateable  quality,  although  the  islands  are  situated  some  five 
leagues  distant  from  the  main-land.  We  embarked,  Feb.  2yth, 
about  one  hundred  men  in  two  long-boats  and  a  pinnace,  to 
traverse  the  coast  east  and  west,  as  the  coast  of  Florida  lies  in 
that  direction.  We  found  a  bay  (Biloxt)  about  two  leagues  in 


*  M.  D'IBERVILLE  was  joined  here  by  the  frigate  Le  Francois,  commanded  by  the 
Marquis  DE  CHATEAUMORAND,  who  returned  to  St.  Domingo  from  Louisiana  on  the 
2ist  of  February,  1699,  without  taking  any  further  part  in  the  expedition. 

f  Now  called  Ship  Island,  on  account  of  the  good  anchorage  it  affords  to  ships  com 
ing  from  Europe. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  37 

circuit,  and  about  five  leagues  from  the  island  Surgeres.  Within 
this  bay  there  is  an  elevation  of  the  land,  where  M.  D'!BERVILLE 
conceived  the  idea  of  constructing  a  fort,  at  which  we  worked 
unceasingly  until  it  was  finished.  At  the  entrance  of  this  bay 
there  is  a  small  island,  about  a  league  in  length  and  an  eighth  of 
a  league  in  width,  called  Deer  Island,  from  the  great  number  of 
those  animals  we  found  there.  We  worked  eight  days  at  the 
fort  without  seeing  any  of  the  natives.  A  party  of  our  men 
being  out  hunting,  the  report  of  their  guns  was  heard  by  some 
of  them  who  were  in  the  woods.  They  were  greatly  astonished, 
and  resolved,  among  themselves,  to  approach  and  see  what  it 
could  be.  Perceiving  some  of  our  Frenchmen — who  were  en 
gaged  in  cutting  down  trees  contiguous  to  the  fort,  for  the 
purpose  of  erecting  houses — they  examined  them  for  a  long 
time  from  their  place  of  concealment  behind  the  trees,  won 
dering  at  the  color  of  their  faces,  and  the  manner  of  their 
clothing.  Some  of  the  soldiers,  seeing  them,  made  signs  with 
their  hands  to  approach  without  fear.  They  then  spoke  to  them 
in  the  Iroquois  language — as  the  greater  portion  of  our  men  were 
Canadians,  and  were  familiar  with  the  language  of  that  nation. 
After  a  long  parley,  they  approached  us,  after  being  reassured, 
and  were  conducted  to  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  who  received  them 
very  kindly,  and  gave  them  something  to  eat  and  drink.  But, 
either  their  taste  was  not  suited,  or,  from  fear  of  us,  they 
refused  to  eat  or  drink  anything  offered  to  them.  They  appeared 
wholly  intent  with  gazing  at  us,  and  greatly  astonished  at  seeing 
people  whose  skin  was  white,  wearing  long  beards,  and  some 
without  hair  upon  their  heads,  such  as  they  saw  among  us,  and 


3  8 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


so  different  from  themselves,  whose  skin  is  of  a  swarthy  color, 
with  heads  covered  with  long  black  hair,  which  they  are  careful 
to  preserve,  and  without  beard.  This  nation  called  themselves 
Biloxi  ;  and  it  was  for  this  reason  that  M.  D'!BERVILLE  gave 
the  name  to  the  fort  we  had  built  at  this  place  (Biloxi).  They 
remained  with  us  two  days.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  gave  them  several 
presents  —  such  as  awls,  knives,  mirrors,  rings,  beads,  and  ver- 
million.  He  showed  them  the  use  of  these  articles,  which  they 
carried  to  their  village  as  presents  to  the  chief.  Very  soon  the 
rumor  of  the  arrival  of  the  French  spread  among  the  neighbor 
ing  nations;  and,  in  about  eight  days,  great  numbers  of  them 
came,  with  their  chiefs  at  their  head,  to  smoke  the  calumet*  and 
sing  the  song  of  peace,  according  to  the  Indian  custom  of  treat 
ing  all  strangers  who  arrive  amongst  them,  and  with  whom  they 
desire  to  form  an  alliance  and  friendship.  The  calumet  is  a 
stick,  about  a  yard  in  length,  or  a  hollow  cane,  ornamented  with 
the  feathers  of  the  paroquet,  birds  of  prey,  and  of  the  eagle. 
These  feathers,  arranged  around  the  stick,  resemble  somewhat 
the  fans  used  by  French  ladies.  At  the  end  of  this  stick  is  a 
pipe,  to  which  the  name  of  calumet  is  given.  The  chiefs  of  the 
savages,  composed  of  five  different  nations,  called  Pascagoulas, 
Colapissas,  Chicackas,  Pensacolas,  and  Biloxis,^  came  with  great 


*  Calumet  means  a  pipe.  It  is  a  Norman  word,  derived  from  chalumeau,  which  was 
the  name  of  a  rustic  pipe  or  musical  instrument,  used  among  the  shepherds  at  their 
rural  feasts  and  dances.  The  name  of  calumet  was  first  given  to  this  Indian  pipe  by 
the  Normans,  who  settled  in  Canada  at  an  early  period,  which  it  has  ever  since 
retained. 

f  These  tribes,  as  well  as  most  of  those  who  lived  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mis 
sissippi  river,  spoke  the  Mobilian  language,  although  each  tribe  also  conversed  in 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


39 


ceremony  to  our  fort,  singing,  and  holding  out  to  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  the  calumet,  who  smoked  it  after  the  manner  of  the 
Indians.  They  then,  as  a  mark  of  honor,  rubbed  his  face  with 
white  earth,  as  they  also  did  the  faces  of  the  brother  of  M. 
D'IBERVILLE,  and  several  other  officers.  The  feast  of  the 
calumet  continued  three  days,  during  which  time  they  danced  and 
sung  three  times  a  day.  The  third  day  they  erected  a  post  in 
front  of  the  gates  of  the  fort,  around  which  they  danced  ;  they 
then  sought  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  who  underwent  the  following 
ceremony  :  One  of  the  Indians  having  presented  his  back,  he 
mounted  upon  his  shoulders,  whilst  another  sustained  his  feet. 
They  carried  him  to  the  place  where  the  post  was  erected, 
keeping  time  to  the  sound  of  their  chichicois — which  are  large 
gourds  filled  with  small  shells,  making  a  rude  sound,  when 
shaken,  though  not  very  loud.  They  have  another  instrument, 
made  from  an  earthen  vessel,  about  the  size  of  a  small  brass 
kettle,  over  which  is  extended  a  deer-skin,  somewhat  in  imita 
tion  of  a  drum,  which  they  beat  upon  with  two  sticks,  and  which 
gives  out  as  much  noise  as  do  our  drums.  When  they  arrived 
before  the  post,  they  seated  M.  D'!BERVILLE  upon  a  deer-skin 
on  the  ground.  One  of  the  chiefs  then  seated  himself  behind  his 
back,  and  patted  him  as  you  would  a  child  that  you  desired  to  put 
asleep.  They  had  spread  upon  the  ground  more  than  three  hun 
dred  deer-skins,  upon  which  the  officers  and  soldiers  were  seated. 


dialects  peculiar  to  themselves.  See  "  Gallatin's  Comparative  Vocabulary  of  fifty- 
three  Indian  Nations;"  "  Hawkins'  Vocabulary  of  the  Choctaw,  Chickasaw,  Creek, 
and  Cherokee  Nations,  in  MS.,  in  the  Library  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society, 
Philadelphia;"  Benj.  Smith  Barton's  "Comparative  Vocabularies  of  the  Chickasaw, 
Conchac,  and  Mobilian." 


4O  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1699.  After  all  were  properly  placed,  the  Indians,  with  their  bows 
and  arrows,  which  they  carried  in  bundles  on  their  backs,  and 
wooden  shields  covered  with  beaver-skins  in  their  right  hands, 
went,  by  turns,  to  strike  the  post  with  their  shields,  at  the  same 
time  singing  over  their  deeds  and  actions  in  the  wars  in  which 
they  had  been  engaged.  It  is  even  permitted  to  everybody, 
women  as  well  as  boys,  to  go  through  the  same  ceremony. 

The  French  then  proceeded  to  the  royal  magazine,  by  order 
of  M.  D'IBERVILLE,  and  brought  knives,  beads,  vermillion, 
guns,  lead,  powder,  mirrors,  combs,  kettles,  cloaks,  hats,  shirts, 
breechings,  rings,  etc.  The  breechings  are  made  of  stuff  five 
quarters  of  a  yard,  cut  in  two,  lengthwise,  passed  around  the 
hips,  and  thus  cover  their  nakedness.  The  leggings  are  made 
of  half  a  yard  of  cloth,  cut  in  two,  and  sewed  together  like  a 
pair  of  stockings,  through  which  they  pass  their  legs.  Pickaxes 
and  hatchets  were  also  presented  them.  After  which,  M. 
D'IBERVILLE  then  returned  to  his  lodgings,  leaving  the  savages 
in  the  square  of  the  fort,  who  divided  among  themselves  the 
presents  distributed  to  them,  scrutinizing  them  all  with  astonish 
ment,  and  but  little  comprehending  the  uses  of  most  of  them. 
It  really  gave  us  pleasure  to  witness  their  embarrassment. 
Some  went  to  tell  M.  D'IBERVILLE,  who  returned  with  the 
other  officers  to  the  square  of  the  fort,  and  who  could  not 
restrain  themselves  from  laughter.  He  directed  that  the  use  of 
each  article  should  be  pointed  out  to  them.  We  then  showed 
them  how  to  wear  their  shirts,  hats,  breechings,  and  leggings. 
We  sewed  up  their  breechings  and  leggings  so  that  they  could 
wear  them  upon  their  hips ;  for  our  Canadians,  of  whom  I  have 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  4! 

already  spoken,  were  au  fait  in  these  matters.  We  placed 
powder  in  the  pans  of  the  guns  which  had  been  given  to  them, 
which  were  then  loaded,  and  afterwards  fired ;  but,  when  they 
saw  the  flash  of  the  powder,  they  let  go  the  gun,  which  fell  to 
the  ground,  from  the  fear  they  had  of  them  M.  D'!BERVILLE 
ordered  the  men  to  fire  off  blank  cartridges  before  them,  which 
reassured  them  ;  and,  as  he  found  some  among  them  bolder  than 
the  rest,  one  of  the  Indians  made  a  sign  that  he  wanted  the  guns 
reloaded,  indicating  that  he  would  fire  them.  In  place  of  leaning 
forward,  as  is  customary,  he  held  the  gun  to  his  shoulder,  lean 
ing  backwards;  the  consequence  was,  the  concussion  knocked 
him  head  over  heels,  the  gun  going  in  one  direction  and  the 
Indian  in  another.  It  was  some  fifteen  days  after  this  acci 
dent  before  any  of  them  would  again  touch  a  gun.  We  fixed 
handles  in  their  hatchets  and  pickaxes,  and  showed  them  how 
to  use  them.  They  testified  to  us,  by  signs,  that  they  were 
highly  pleased.  Nevertheless,  up  to  that  time,  their  canoes, 
with  which  they  went  from  place  to  place  upon  the  river,  were 
made  by  setting  fire  to  the  foot  of  a  cypress  tree,  the  fire  con 
tinuing  in  the  interior  until  it  fell  to  the  ground.  They  then 
burned  it  off"  at  the  desired  length.  When  the  tree  was  burned 
sufficiently  for  their  purpose,  they  extinguished  the  fire  with 
moist  earth,  and  scraped  it  out  with  large  shells,  which  are 
very  thick.  They  then  washed  them  with  water,  in  such  a 
manner  as  to  give  them  a  fine  polish.  These  canoes  are  some 
times  twenty-five  or  thirty  feet  long,  but  they  make  them  of 
various  lengths,  according  to  the  uses  for  which  they  are  in 
tended. 

6 


42 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


When  our  fort  was  finished,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  returned  to 
France  (3d  of  May,  1699),  leaving  M.  DE  SAUVOL  in  com 
mand;  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  King's  lieutenant;  M.  LE  VASSEUR 
DE  BOUSSOUELLE,  major;  DE  BORDENAC,  chaplain;  and  other 
officers. 

After  the  departure  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  we  made  prepara 
tions  to  go  right  and  left  in  search  of  the  Mississippi.  We  took 
with  us  some  Indians  as  guides  ;  coasting  along  in  an  easterly 
direction,  we  found  a  wide  bay,  called  the  Bay  of  the  Pascagoulas; 
because,  within  this  bay,  there  flows  a  river,  upon  the  borders  of 
which  the  Pascagoulas  are  established,  at  a  distance  of  about 
twenty  leagues  inland,  and  it  is  from  that  nation  the  bay  and 
river  take  their  name.  This  bay  is  about  five  leagues  east  of 
Fort  Biloxi,  about  one  league  across,  and  three  in  circuit.  At 
its  entrance  there  is  an  island,  about  one  league  distant,  called 
Round  Island,  on  account  of  its  form.  It  is  sterile,  and  unin 
habited.  Pursuing  our  course  along  the  coast  in  an  easterly 
direction,  and  about  a  league  from  the  bay,  we  -came  to  a  small 
river,  called,  at  the  present  time,  by  the  same  name  we  then  gave 
it,  Fish  River,  by  reason  of  the  great  quantity  of  fish  we  found 
there.  A  league  from  that  river,  we  found  Liveoak  Point  (Pointe- 
aux-Chenes),  an  excellent  place  for  the  chase,  as  game  of  every 
description  abounds  there.  Three  leagues  from  this  point,  we 
came  to  a  river,  called  Aderbane,  ten  leagues  distant  from  Biloxi. 
This  name  was  given  to  it  on  account  of  a  Frenchman,  named 
ADERBANE,  who  was  lost  there  by  drowning.  It  yet  preserves 
the  name.  Three  leagues  further  on,  we  came  to  Oyster  Point, 
so  called  from  the  abundance  of  that  shell-fish  found  there. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  43 

This  point  is  opposite  to  an  island  one  league  off,  to  which  we  1699 
crossed  and  landed.  We  were  somewhat  astonished  to  find 
upon  this  island  a  prodigious  number  of  human  bones,  forming  a 
mound  of  considerable  elevation.  We  since  learned  that  these 
were  the  bones  of  a  once  numerous  nation,  who,  being  pursued 
by  their  enemies,  took  refuge  on  this  island,  where  nearly  all 
perished  from  some  terrible  disease  that  broke  out  among  them; 
their  bones  were  brought  together  and  heaped  up,  after  the  cus 
tom  of  the  Indian  tribes.  This  nation  was  called  Mobile^  few 
of  whom  at  present  survive.  The  island  is  covered  with  two 
species  of  forest  trees,  cedar  and  pine,  of  a  very  agreeable  odor. 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  our  commanding  officer,  named  it  Massacre 
Island  (Dauphin).  It  is  about  seven  leagues  long,  by  a  quarter 
of  a  league  wide.  Coasting  along  the  island  to  return,  we 
crossed  a  pass,  about  half  a  league  wide,'  at  the  head  of  which 
was  another  island,  called  Horn  Island,  because  one  of  our  men 
there  lost  his  powder-horn.  This  island  is  about  three  leagues 
from  the  main-land,  and  of  the  same  length  and  width  as  Mas 
sacre  Island.  It  is  barren,  and  is  covered  with  the  same  species 
of  trees  as  the  other.  When  we  made  the  head  of  this  island, 
we  sailed  for  the  island  Surgeres,  where  we  had  a  grand  hunt, 
after  which  we  crossed  over  to  the  fort,  for  the  purpose  of  rest 
ing  for  a  few  days. 

At  the  end  of  fifteen  days,  we  set  out  again,  in  search  of  a 
pass  through  which  we  could  go  to  discover  the  Mississippi  river, 
to  the  west  of  our  fort.  The  coast,  here,  all  along,  is  very  flat. 
We  found  a  bay,  about  one  league  in  width  by  four  in  circum 
ference,  forming,  in  shape,  a  half  circle.  We  called  it  the  Bay  of 


44  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1699.  St.  Louis^  because  it  was  on  the  day  of  St.  Louis  that  we  arrived 
there.  It  is  about  eight  leagues  west  of  Fort  Bilox'i.  We 
landed,  and  found  game  of  every  kind  in  great  abundance. 
We  killed,  here,  more  than  fifty  deer.  At  the  end  of  three 
days,  we  set  out  again,  and,  at  about  three  leagues  distance, 
found  a  small  stream,  where  the  tide  ebbs  and  flows.  Our 
Indian  guides  told  us  this  stream  would  take  us  into  a  large 
lake;  but,  as  we  did  not  well  understand  them,  we  made  signs 
to  them  that  we  wanted  to  pass  outward.  At  two  leagues,  we 
found  a  small  island,  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  from  the  sea, 
to  which  we  gave  the  name  of  Heron's  Pass,  on  account  of  the 
vast  number  of  those  birds  found  there.  We  left  the  sea  on  the 
larboard  side,  and,  at  three  leagues,  we  came  to  an  island,  which 
we  called  Pea  Island,  because  a  sack  of  peas  was  left  there 
through  forgetfulness.  We  hurried  off  an  hour  before  daylight, 
to  get  rid  of  the  annoyance  of  swarms  of  small  flies,  or  cousins, 
which  the  Indians  call  Maragouins,  and  which  puncture  even  to 
the  drawing  of  blood.  The  stream  we  had  met  with  corres 
ponded  with  this  place ;  and,  four  leagues  further  on,  we  discov 
ered  a  large  lake,  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  named  Pontchartrain. 
This  is  about  twenty-eight  leagues  in  circumference,  and  seven 
wide.  Its  embouchure,  at  the  entrance,  is  a  quarter  of  a  league 
from  one  side  to  the  other.  Both  sides  of  the  pass,  or  entrance, 
is  covered  with  shells,  and  in  such  quantity  that  they  form  an 
elevation,  which  was  the  reason  it  was  called  Pointe-aux-Coquilles. 
When  one  has  passed  through  this  channel,  on  looking  ahead, 
you  see,  at  the  distance  of  a  league  and  a  half  to  the  left,  a 
projection  of  land,  called  Pointe-aux-Herbes,  where  the  boats 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ^ 

were  placed  under  shelter;  because,  in  this  place,  the  water  is 
shallow,  and,  in  heavy  gales,  canoes  are  sometimes  lost  there. 
Six  leagues  further  on  is  a  small  river,  called,  by  the  Indians, 
Choupicatcka,  which  the  French  afterwards  called  Orleans  (Bayou 
St.  John),  because,  since  that  time,  as  will  be  seen  in  its  proper 
place,  the  city  of  New  Orleans  was  built  near  this  river,  about 
a  league  from  the  lake.  Five  leagues  further,  turning  always  to 
the  left  on  the  lake  shore,  we  found  a  bay  of  still  water,  which 
the  Indians  call  bayou,  which  is  a  kind  of  drain,  or  gully,  through 
which  the  waters  of  the  higher  grounds  are  carried  off.  We 
encamped  here,  as  our  Indian  guides  told  us  we  could  cross 
over  from  this  place  to  the  Mississippi  river.* 

Next  morning,  having  secured  our  boats  in  this  cove,  we 
started  on  foot  to  go  to  the  banks  of  the  river.  We  passed, 
three  quarters  of  a  league,  through  a  cypress  forest.  These  trees 
are  only  found  in  low  and  swampy  countries,  which  grow  to 
a  prodigious  height,  and  bear  a  fruit  resembling  an  olive.  After 
this  forest,  we  passed  through  a  cane-break,  which  bears  a  kind 
of  oats,  of  which  the  Indians  make  bread,  of  an  agreeable  taste. 
They  also  make  a  soup  from  it,  which  they  call  sagamite. 
Having  crossed  these  canes  for  a  quarter  of  a  league,  we 
arrived  on  the  borders  of  the  Mississippi,  at  which  we  were 


*  Previous  to  the  exploration  of  this  river  by  Father  MARQUETTE  and  JOLIET,  the 
natives  of  the  North  sometimes  called  it  Meshacebe  (or  Great  River),  Namesc-Sipon 
(or  River  of  the  Fishes}.  In  some  places  Tapata,  and,  where  it  entered  the  Gulf  of 
Mexico,  Ri.  The  Indian  name,  says  GARCILASO  DE  LA  VEGA,  on  the  authority  of 
JUAN  COLES,  one  of  DE  SOTA'S  followers,  was  Chucagua,  and,  by  the  GENTLEMAN  OF 
ELVAS,  Rio  Grande  ,•  afterwards,  by  the  Spaniards,  La  Palisade  and  Rio  Escondido ;  by 
the  French,  Mississippi,  Colbert,  and  St.  Louis. 


46  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

greatly  rejoiced.  We  regarded  this  beautiful  river  with  admi 
ration,  which  is  at  least  half  a  league  wide  at  the  place  where 
we  first  saw  it,  about  forty  leagues  from  its  entrance  into  the 
sea.  The  water  is  of  a  light  color,  very  good  to  drink,  and 
very  light.  The  country,  on  its  banks,  appeared  to  be  every 
where  covered  with  splendid  trees  of  every  description,  such  as 
oak,  ash,  elm,  and  many  others,  the  names  of  which  we  did  not 
know.  We  encamped  that  night  on  the  river's  bank,  under  the 
trees,  upon  which  a  vast  number  of  wild  turkeys  roosted.  We 
killed  as  many  of  them  as  we  wanted  by  moonlight,  as  they 
were  not  in  the  least  disturbed  or  afraid  of  the  firing  of  our 
guns.  I  can  truly  say,  that  I  never  saw  turkeys  in  France  so 
fat  and  large  as  these  were,  as  their  nett  weight  was  about  thirty 
pounds !  The  next  day,  we  returned  to  our  boats,  and  our 
companions,  whom  we  had  left  as  a  guard,  were  highly  delighted 
to  learn  we  had  slept  on  the  banks  of  the  mighty  river.  We 
continued  on  our  way,  along  the  borders  of  Lake  Pontchartrain^ 
in  order  to  make  the  circuit  of  it,  and,  at  thf  distance  of  about 
five  leagues  further  on,  encamped  on  the  borders  of  a  manchac, 
which  signifies,  in  the  French  language,  a  strait,  a  pass,  or  a 
rivulet,  flowing  from  the  Mississippi. 

Through  this  pass  we  entered  another  lake,  a  short  distance 
from  the  first,  which  is  now  called  Lake  Maurepas;  it  is  about 
ten  leagues  in  circumference,  and  two  across.  The  following 
day  we  continued  our  route,  coasting  along  the  shores  of  Lake 
Pontchartrain^  and,  at  about  one  league  from  Manchac,  found 
another  river,  called,  by  our  Indian  guides,  Tangibao,*  which 


It  also  took  its  name  from  a  tribe  of  Indians  that  lived  on  its  banks. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  47 

means  white  corn  (bled-blanc}.     The  water  of  this  river  is  very       1699. 

agreeable.      Three  leagues  beyond,  following  the  same  channel, 

we  found  a  bayou,  or  tranquil  water,  called  Castein  Bayou,  which 

signifies  the  place  of  the  passes.      Next  day,  five  leagues  from 

this  bayou,  we  came  to  a  river  falling  into   the  lake,  called,  by 

the    Indians,    Taleatcha,    which    signifies    the    River    of  Pearls. 

Here  we  found  those  shells  previously  mentioned,  with   which 

the  Indians  scrape  out  their    canoes  after    burning.       Beautiful 

pearls  are  sometimes  found  in  those  shells.      We  presented  some 

two    dozen,  or  more,  to   M.   DE   BIENVILLE,  our  commander. 

This  river  is  only  about  three  leagues  from  Pointe-aux-Coquilles. 

At  this  place  we  left  Lake  Pont  char  train,  and  ascended  it  for  the 

distance  of  half  a  league  to  another  of  its  branches,  which  passes 

Pea  Island,  which  is  about  three  leagues  from  the   forks   of  the 

river.      We  encamped  here,  by  reason  of  the  accommodations 

afforded  by  the  river,  the  water  of  which  was  excellent  to  drink, 

and  a  great  convenience  to  our  men,  as  the  water  of  Lake  Pont- 

cbartrain  is  brackish,  and  is  affected  by  the  ebb  and  flow  of  the 

sea. 

The  next  day  we  left  Pea  Island,  and  passed  through  the  little 
Rigolets,  which  lead  into  the  sea  about  three  leagues  from  the 
Bay  of  St.  Louis.  We  encamped  at  the  entrance  of  the  bay, 
near  a  fountain  of  water  that  flows  from  the  hills,  and  which  was 
called,  at  this  time,  Belle-Fountain.  We  hunted,  during  several 
days,  upon  the  coast  of  this  bay,  and  filled  our  boats  with  the 
meat  of  the  deer,  buffaloes,  and  other  wild  game  which  we  had 
killed,  and  carried  it  to  the  fort  (Biloxi).  On  arriving  there,  we 
gave  to  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  our  commander-in-chief,  a  detailed 


48  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

account  of  the  discovery  of  that  river,  incomparably  beautiful, 
as  well  on  account  of  its  size  as  of  its  charming  borders.  M. 
DE  BIENVILLE  presented  to  him  the  pearls  we  had  found  in  the 
shells  of  Pearl  River,  which  he  said  he  would  give  to  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  ;  we  never  afterwards  heard  of  those  pearls,  and  did  not 
know  whether  they  were  of  a  fine  quality  or  not.  Some  days 
after  our  return,  the  Indians,  whom  we  had  as  guides,  expressed 
to  M.  DE  SAUVOL  a  desire  to  return  to  their  village,  and  wished 
we  would  go  with  them.  M.  DE  SAUVOL  gave  them  to  under 
stand  that  it  would  give  him  great  pleasure  to  comply  with  their 
request.  We  set  out  in  one  of  our  long-boats,  manned  by  ten 
or  twelve  Frenchmen  ;  and,  after  leaving  the  fort,  encamped  at 
the  mouth  of  a  river,  of  the  same  name  as  themselves  (Pasca- 
goulas),  which  empties  into  the  bay  of  that  name.  We  ascended 
the  river  twenty  leagues  from  its  entrance  into  the  sea,  and,  on 
the  third  day,  arrived  at  their  village.  As  it  was  near  the  end 
of  August,  and  the  weather  very  warm,  all  the  Indians  there 
were  as  naked  as  when  born — that  is,  the  men  and  boys ;  but 
the  women  and  girls  had  a  little  moss  fastened  to  their  thighs, 
which  covered  their  nakedness,  the  rest  of  their  body  being 
entirely  naked.  This  moss  is  an  herb  of  a  long,  fine  fibre, 
growing  upon  the  trees,  which  the  French  of  this  part  of  the 
country  called  Spanish-bear^  by  way  of  derision,  and  which  the 
Spaniards,  in  retort,  called  the  French-wig.  We  were  perfectly 
well  received  by  their  grand  chief,  and  by  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  village.  They  gave  us  something  to  eat  and  drink — among 
other  things,  bear,  deer,  and  buffalo  meat,  and  all  kinds  of  fruit, 
of  which  they  have  an  abundance,  such  as  peaches,  prunes, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  49 

watermelons,  pumpkins,  and  all  of  an  excellent  flavor.  The  1699. 
pumpkins  are  far  superior  to  those  in  France;  they  are  cooked 
without  water,  and  the  juice  which  comes  from  them  is  as  sweet 
as  syrup  made  from  sugar.  As  regards  the  watermelons,  they 
are  nearly  the  same  as  in  France.  The  fish  are  larger  and 
better  ;  but  the  prunes  are  not  so  good  ;  there  are  two  sorts — 
white  and  red.  They  served  us,  also,  with  their  sagamite,  which 
is  a  boiled  dish,  made  of  corn  and  beans.  Their  bread  is  made 
of  corn,  and  a  species  of  grain,  which  grows  upon  the  canes. 
They  have  wooden  as  well  as  earthen  plates,  and  we  observed 
that  they  were  very  well  made.*  Their  women,  also,  make 
earthen  pots,  in  which  they  cook  sagamite^  at  one  time,  sufficient 
for  two  or  three  families.  In  this  manner  they  arrange,  among 
themselves,  so  as  not  to  be  obliged  to  cook  every  day,  each  one 
taking  turn  about.  Their  cabins  were  made  of  earth,  and  of  a 
round  shape,  somewhat  like  our  wind-mills,  the  roofs  being 
generally  covered  with  bark;  but  some  were  covered  with  a 
species  of  leaf,  which  is  called,  in  this  country,  latanier  (pal 
metto),  a  shrub  peculiar  to  the  country. 

One  thing  I  have  particularly  observed  among  these  savages, 
to  wit:  that,  however  abundant  provisions  may  be  with  them, 
they  never  eat  to  excess ;  but,  very  improperly,  they  always  eat 
with  their  fingers,  although  they  have  spoons  made  from  the 
horns  of  the  buffalo.  Their  meat  is  generally  smoked,  or  buc 
caneered,  as  they  say  in  that  country.  They  have,  nevertheless, 

*  The  pottery  of  the  Southern  Indians,  especially  the  Natchez^  was  artistically 
made.  Many  beautiful  specimens  may  be  found  in  private  cabinets  in  the  South,  not 
inferior  to  the  best  specimens  of  Mexican  and  Peruvian  art. 

7 


^o  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

a  kind  of  gridiron,  under  which  they  kindle  a  slow  fire,  merely 
drying  the  meat,  the  smoke  contributing  to  this  effect  as  much 
as  the  heat  of  the  fire. 

The  Indians,  when  they  dance,  beat  a  noise  with  their  drums 
and  chickois,  and  form  into  bodies  of  twenty  or  thirty  together. 
A  dancing-master  keeps  at  the  head  of  each  band.  At  the 
sound  of  a  whistle,  they  break  from  their  ranks,  intermingling 
with  each  other,  always  observing  a  particular  cadence;  at 
another  blow  of  the  whistle  they  form  into  rank  again,  and  whirl 
around  with  wonderful  uniformity. 

We  slept  at  the  house  of  the  grand  chief,  upon  beds  of  canes 
covered  with  buffalo-skins.  The  next  day  we  went  to  visit 
their  fields,  where  they  cultivate  their  corn.  The  women  were 
at  work  with  the  men.  The  Indians  have  flat  sticks,  with 
which  they  break  up  the  ground,  for  they  do  not  understand  the 
mode  of  using  utensils  as  we  do  in  France.  They  scrape  the 
ground  with  a  stick,  and  cut  down  the  brushwood  and  weeds, 
which  they  leave  in  the  sun  to  dry,  which,  after  a  time,  they 
burn,  and,  after  they  are  burnt  to  ashes,  they  take  a  large  stick, 
with  which  they  dig  a  hole  in  the  ground,  and  place  seven  or 
eight  grains  of  corn  in  each  hole,  and  cover  it  with  earth. 
When  the  corn  is  about  one  foot  high,  they  take  great  care  of 
it,  as  we  do  in  France,  and  remove  all  the  weeds,  an  operation 
which  is  performed  two  or  three  times  during  the  season. 
They  even,  at  the  present  time,  use  their  wooden  instruments 
in  preference  to  those  of  iron,  which  we  have  given  them, 
because  they  are  lighter.  After  remaining  some  time  in  their 
village,  we  returned  to  the  fort. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


CHAPTER     II. 


E  were  very  impatient  for  the  return  of  I7OO. 
M.  D'IBERVILLE,  being  constantly  on 
the  look-out  for  him  at  the  point  pro 
jecting  from  the  fort.*  Finally,  on  the 
morning  of  the  King's  day  (6th  Janu 
ary,  1700),  we  heard  the  firing  of  can 
non  from  Surgeres  Island,  five  leagues  distant  from  our  fort, 
announcing  the  arrival  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  in  command  of  the 
Renommee,  of  fifty  guns,  and  M.  DE  SURGERES  of  the  Gironde, 
of  forty-six  guns.  M.  DE  SAUVOL  also  gave  orders  to  announce 
their  arrival  by  a  discharge  of  all  the  guns  and  musketry  at  the 
fort  (Bi/oxi).  M.  D'IBERVILLE  was  received  with  every  possible 
demonstration  of  joy;  but  he  only  remained  a  few  days  at  the 
fort,  at  the  end  of  which  he  selected  sixty  men  to  go  with  him 
to  the  Mississippi^  among  whom  were  his  two  brothers,  M.  M. 

DE    BlENVILLE    and  DE   CHATEAUGUAY,   M.   M.   DE    BoiSBRIANT 

and  JUCHEREAU  DE  ST.  DENIS,  and  left  M.   DE   SAUVOL,  the 


*  This  picturesque  point,  or  bluff,  now  overgrown  with  the  magnificent  live-oak  and 
forest  trees  of  the  South,  is  still  a  prominent  feature  of  interest  to  the  traveller  and 
antiquarian,  in  the  landscape  that  surrounds  the  fort  and  Bay  of  Biloxi,  the  seat  of  the 
first  French  colony  in  Louisiana. 


52  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  commander  of  the  fort,  in  charge  of  the  ships,  who  gave  orders 
to  have  the  merchandize  and  ammunition  placed  in  the  King's 
stores.  We  then  took  our  departure,  to  ascend  the  Mississippi, 
from  its  entrance  into  the  sea,  first  making  a  stop  at  our  ships, 
to  take  in  the  necessary  provisions.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  also 
consulted  with  M.  DE  SURGERES,  as  to  the  care  and  security  of 
the  ships  during  his  absence.  We  left  the  ships  in  three  long 
boats  (chaloupes),  and  encamped  seventeen  leagues  west  of  Fort 
Biloxi,  near  Point  a  F  Assiette,  thus  named  because  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  had  lost  a  silver  plate  there.  Our  next  encampment  was 
twelve  leagues  further  on,  at  a  point  called  Trepied.  The  next 
day,  we  landed  on  the  banks  of  a  small  river,  six  leagues 
further  on,  named  Dog  River,  because  one  of  our  dogs  was 
devoured  there  by  a  crocodile  ;  and,  six  leagues  from  there,  we 
came  to  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi,  which  we  entered,  and 
encamped  on  the  right  bank  ascending. 

The  entire  coast,  from  Fort  Biloxi  to  the  entrance  of  the 
river,  and  for  eighteen  leagues  in  ascending,  the  land  is  very 
low,  having  been  formed  by  the  alluvion  precipitated  by  the 
waters  of  the  Mississippi  at  high  water.  There  are  three  passes 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  forming  two  small  islands.  The 
straightest  of  the  passes,  which  is  to  the  right,  is  the  deepest, 
although  there  are  at  times  but  eleven  feet  of  water  in  it.  We 
entered  the  river  on  the  I5th,  and,  after  having  ascended  ten 
leagues,  we  met  with  a  dense  forest  of  trees,  bordering  the 
river,  on  the  right  and  left.  At  this  distance,  there  is  a  small 
strait,  or  pass,  through  which  the  waters  of  the  river  enter. 
We  named  it  Bayou  Mardi  Gras,  from  the  day  on  which  we 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  53 

passed  it.  Eight  leagues  higher  up,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  observed  1  700. 
a  spot  very  convenient  for  the  erection  of  a  fort,  which  he  re 
solved  to  construct  when  he  descended  the  river.  Eight  leagues 
beyond  is  a  bend  in  the  river,  three  leagues  around,  which  is 
called  the  English  Turn,  the  reason  for  which  I  will  give  in  its 
proper  place.  Twenty-four  leagues  higher  up,  on  the  left,  is 
a  river,  called  ChetimackasJ*  and  five  leagues  beyond  this  is  the 
first  Indian  nation  inhabiting  the  banks  of  the  river,  called  the 
Bayagoulas,  where  we  arrived  on  the  iQth  February.  So  soon 
as  they  perceived  us,  they  fled  with  their  women  and  children 
into  the  woods,  so  that,  when  we  entered  their  village,  we 
found  no  one  there.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  was  not  surprised  at  this, 
he  believing  that  it  was  through  fear  of  us  they  had  aban 
doned  their  houses.  He  immediately  dispatched  two  French 
men  and  an  Indian,  to  assure  them  of  our  pacific  intentions. 
They  ran  after,  and  overtook  them  in  a  short  time,  as  they  were 
impeded  by  their  children.  Our  Indian  spoke  to  them,  and 
told  them  we  were  good  people,  and  advised  them  to  return. 
Although  somewhat  distrusting,  they  returned  with  the  calumet 
of  peace  in  their  hands.  When  they  arrived  at  the  village,f 
they  presented  the  calumet  to  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  and  the  other 


*  This  branch  of  the  Mississippi  (Bayou  La  Fourcht),  is  one  of  the  principal  outlets 
of  the  river  to  the  gulf.  The  present  town  of  Donaldsonville  is  built  on  the  site  of  an 
ancient  village  of  the  Chetimachas,  one  of  the  most  interesting  tribes  of  Indians  of 
Louisiana.  A  vocabulary  of  this  nation,  by  MARTIN  DURALDE,  in  manuscript,  is 
deposited  in  the  library  of  the  American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia.  J.  S. 
VATER,  Analekten  der  Sprachenkunde.  Leipzig,  1821. 

f  The  village  of  the  Bayagoulas  was  situated  about  twelve  leagues  below  Baton 
Rouge,  who  were  much  attached  to  the  French.  They  cultivated  tobacco  and  corn, 
and  were  an  intelligent  and  industrious  race  of  Indians. 


54  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  officers,  to  smoke.  They  also  supplied  us  with  flour,  which  is 
diluted  with  water,  and  baked ;  also  with  bread,  fish,  and  meats, 
prepared  after  their  fashion.  A  little  while  after,  they  sang  the 
calumet ,  after  the  manner  of  the  Indians.*  In  the  evening,  they 
asked  if  we  had  eaten  enough,  and  if  we  wanted  a  woman  for 
each  man.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  showed  them  his  hand,  told  them 
their  skin  was  red  and  swarthy,  and  should  not  be  blended  with 
that  of  the  French,  which  was  white.  We  remained  three 
days  in  their  village,  until  their  calumet  was  finished  :  made 
them  presents  of  some  bagatelles,  such  as  mirrors,  rings,  pick 
axes,  etc.,  which  they  beheld  with  admiration,  and  afterwards 
we  showed  them  how  to  use  them.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  told  the 
chief  that  he  would  depart  in  the  morning,  and  would  like  some 
fowls  to  take  with  him.  The  village  was  filled  with  them, 
and  they  supplied  us  bountifully.  We  took  four  of  this  nation 
as  guides,  and  left  with  them  a  young  Frenchman,  to  learn  their 
language. 

We  took  our  departure  the  next  morning,  and,  at  the  distance 
of  about  five  leagues,  in  ascending  on  the  right  hand  side,  came 
to  the  Manchac,  a  small  stream,  of  which  I  have  already  spoken, 
that  empties  into  Lake  Pont  char  tram.  Its  current  is  very  rapid, 
which  renders  the  ascent  difficult,  besides,  it  is  very  narrow. 
Five  leagues  above  this  stream  we  came  to  where  the  banks  of 
the  river  are  very  high,  called  in  that  country  bluffs  (ecores),  and, 
in  the  Indian  language,  Istrouma,  which  signifies  Baton  Rouge 

*  The  ceremony  of  presenting  the  calumet  is  minutely  described  by  Father  MAR- 
OJJETTE  in  his  narrative  of  the  diiscovery  of  the  Mississippi  river.  See  First  Series 
"Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Nciu  Tork,  1846,  Vol.  i,  p.  290. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  55 

(Red  Post),  because  at  that  place  there  is  a  post  painted  red,  1700. 
which  the  Indians  have  placed  there  to  mark  the  boundary  line 
of  the  territory  of  the  two  nations — the  Bayagoulas,  whence  we 
had  come,  and  another  Indian  nation,  about  thirty  leagues  above 
Baton  Rouge,  called  the  Oumas.  So  jealous  were  those  two 
nations  of  their  hunting  grounds,  that  they  put  to  death  all  of 
their  neighbors  whom  they  found  trespassing  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  red  post  (Baton  Rouge).  But  such  is  not  the  case  at  the 
present  time,  as  they  go  to  the  chase  everywhere  together,  and 
are  all  friends.  Five  leagues  above  this  post,  on  the  right  hand 
side,  there  are  very  high  bluffs  of  white  earth,  about  three 
quarters  of  a  league  in  length,  at  the  upper  part  of  which  is  a 
neck  of  land,  seven  leagues  in  circuit.  To  avoid  going  round 
this  point,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  the  boats  transported  across  this 
neck  of  land,  which  is  about  a  musket-shot  wide,  and,  in  a  very 
short  space  of  time,  we  were  on  the  other  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  Such  is  the  rapidity  of  the  current,  that  the  waters  soon 
after  wore  a  channel  through  this  place,  from  which  cause  this 
post  took  the  name  of  Point  Coup'ee. 

Opposite  a  small  island,  eight  leagues  higher  up,  is  a  portage, 
rendered  remarkable  by  a  cross,  which  M.  D'!BERVILLE  planted, 
and  where  we  chanted  the  "  Vexilla  Regis"*  on  our  knees, 
a  ceremony  which  appeared  strange  to  those  Indians.  We 
explained  to  them  that  the  cross  was  an  emblem  greatly  esteemed 

*  "  Vexilla  regis  prodeunt, 
Fulgis  crucis  mysterium." 

The  Banners  of  Heaven's  King  advance, 
The  mystery  of  the  Cross  shines  forth. 


5 6  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  in  our  religion,  and  that  they  should  preserve  it  from  being 
thrown  down.  We  called  this  place  Portage  de  la  Croix. 
Here  is  the  main  route  to  the  village  of  the  Oumas  In 
dians,*  which  is  situated  two  leagues  inland.  M.  D'!BERVILLE 
and  his  officers  landed  at  this  place,  and  went  to  their  village, 
after  giving  orders  to  make  the  detour  of  the  point  with  the 
boats,  where  they  would  rejoin  us.  The  distance  around  was 
ten  leagues.  We  discovered  the  mouth  of  a  large  river,  called 
Sabloniere  (Red  River);  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi  on  the  left 
hand  side  in  ascending.  We  will  speak  of  this  river  more  fully 
hereafter. 

Two  leagues  beyond,  we  found  the  Bay  of  the  Oumas,  in 
front  of  which  was  a  small  island.  We  landed  there  on 
the  yth  of  March,  on  the  borders  of  which  is  their  village. 
M.  D'!BERVILLE,  and  all  the  officers,  had  been  there  two 
days.  We  remained  three  days,  and,  after  they  had  finished 
chanting  the  calumet,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  made  them  presents,  as 
he  had  done  to  the  others.  They  gave  us  poultry  and  game, 
which  we  carried  to  our  boats;  nor  did  we  fail  to  take  four  of 
them  as  guides  in  place  of  the  four  Bayagoulas,  whom  we  sent 
back.  Thus,  we  changed  from  one  nation  to  the  other,  in 
order  not  to  fatigue  them;  and,  at  the  same  time,  in  arriving 
among  them,  they  would  have  less  fear  and  distrust  by  seeing 
other  Indians  with  us. 

*  The  nation  of  the  Oumas,  or  Houmas,  occupied  a  district  of  country  on  the  east 
side  of  the  river,  about  twelve  leagues  above  the  Bayagoulas^  and  were  much  attached 
to  the  French.  They  were  reduced,  by  sickness  and  war,  to  less  than  a  hundred  war 
riors,  when  Louisiana  was  ceded  to  the  United  States.  The  grant  of  land  to  the 
Marquis  D'ANCENIS  was  situated  about  six  leagues  below  this  nation. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  57 

Upon  leaving  the  village  of  the  Oumas,  we  kept  on  our  170.0, 
upward  route,  fifteen  leagues  above.  The  river,  here,  is 
divided  into  three  channels,  forming  two  islands,  about  half  a 
league  in  length  ;  and,  one  league  above  these,  we  coasted  along 
on  the  right  hand  side,  where  the  banks  are  of  a  prodigious 
height  (Ellis'  Cliffs).  At  the  head  of  these  bluffs  is  a  small 
river  (St.  Catherine),  that  comes  from  a  village  four  leagues  dis 
tant,  and  one  league  back  from  the  river.  We  landed,  in  order 
to  visit  the  village,  where  we  were  perfectly  well  received. 
These  Indians  are  called  the  Natchez,  and  are  the  most  civilized 
of  all  the  nations.  They  were  very  kind  and  obliging  to  M. 
D'!BERVILLE  and  his  officers,  who  had  arrived  there  on  the  5th 
of  March,  and  concluded  a  treaty  of  peace.  They  chanted  the 
calumet  of  peace  during  three  days,  at  the  end  of  which  we 
departed,  laden  with  game  and  poultry.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  distri 
buted  to  them  presents,  as  he  had  done  to  all  the  nations  who 
had  chanted  the  calumet.  In  the  sequel,  we  will  speak  of  their 
manners,  of  their  religion,  and  of  their  temples. 

On  the  1 2th  of  April,  we  left  the  Natchez,  and  coasted  along 
to  the  right,  where  the  river  is  bordered  with  high  gravelly 
banks  for  a  distance  of  twelve  leagues;  at  the  extremity  of 
these  bluffs  is  a  place  we  called  Petit  Gulf,  on  account  of 
the  whirlpool  formed  by  the  river,  for  the  distance  of  a 
quarter  of  a  league.  Eight  leagues  higher  up,  we  came 
to  Grand  Gulf,  which  we  passed,  a  short  distance  above, 
on  the  left  hand  side.  We  landed,  to  visit  a  village,  situated 

four    leagues    in    the    interior.     These    Indians    are    called    the 

8 


5  g  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  Tensas.*  We  were  well  received;  but  I  never  saw  a  more 
sad,  frightful,  and  revolting  spectacle  than  that  which  happened 
the  second  day  (i6th  of  April)  after  our  arrival  in  this  village. 
A  sudden  storm  burst  upon  us.  The  lightning  struck  the 
temple,  burned  all  their  idols,  and  reduced  the  whole  to  ashes. 
Quickly,  the  Indians  assembled  around,  making  horrible  cries, 
tearing  out  their  hair,  elevating  their  hands  to  heaven,  their 
tawny  visages  turned  toward  the  burning  temple,  invoking  their 
Great  Spirit,  with  the  howling  of  devils  possessed,  to  come 
down  and  extinguish  the  flames.  They  took  up  mud,  with 
which  they  besmeared  their  bodies  and  faces.  The  fathers  and 
mothers  then  brought  their  children,  and,  after  having  strangled 
them,  threw  them  into  the  flames.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  was  horri 
fied  at  seeing  such  a  cruel  spectacle,  and  gave  orders  to  stop 
it,  by  forcibly  taking  from  them  the  little  innocents ;  but,  with 
all  our  efforts,  seventeen  perished  in  this  manner;  and,  had  we 
not  restrained  them,  the  number  would  have  been  over  two 
hundred. 

At  the  close  of  the  third  day  of  chanting  the  calumet  of  peace, 
M.  D'!BERVILLE  distributed  his  presents  as  usual,  but  in  greater 
number  than  he  had  to  the  other  tribes.  He  persuaded  them, 
also,  to  abandon  their  present  location,  and  establish  themselves 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi. 

As  the  period  of  his  return  to  France  was  rapidly  approaching, 
and  the  other  tribes  were  too  remote  for  a  present  visit,  he 


*  The  Tensas  nation  was  allied  to  the  Natchez,  and  spoke  the  French  and  Mobilian. 
The  Catholic  missionaries  never  succeeded  in  making  any  converts  among  them. 
They  scrupulously  observed  all  the  religious  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Natchez. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


59 


resolved  to  descend  the  river.*  We  set  off  the  next  morning,  iyoo. 
and,  in  the  evening,  arrived  at  the  Natchez,  where  we  encamped, 
and  met  M.  DE  ST.  COME,  a  Catholic  missionary.  Next 
morning,  the  chiefs  of  that  nation  came  to  reconduct  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  to  the  banks  of  the  river.  He  promised  to  send  them  a 
French  lad,  in  order  to  acquire  a  knowledge  of  their  language. 
The  next  evening,  we  encamped  at  the  Oumas,  as  we  progressed 
rapidly  with  the  strong  current  of  the  river.  Afterwards,  we 
went  to  the  Portage  de  la  Croix,  and  then  to  the  Bayagoulas,  where 
we  found  the  French  boy  whom  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  left  in  our 
ascent,  and  who  had  already  made  considerable  progress  in  the 
knowledge  of  their  language.  M.  D'!BERVILLE  told  him  to 
remain  in  the  village,  to  serve  as  an  interpreter  for  those  who 
should  pass  this  way.  We  next  arrived  at  the  spot  that  M. 
D'!BERVILLE  had  marked  out  as  a  suitable  place  for  a  fort,f 
where  we  found  a  gun-boat,  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  had 
brought  from  Biloxi,  with  materials  for  its  construction. 

M.   DE   BIENVILLE,  in  descending  from   the   Natchez  on  his 
route  to  Biloxi,  met,  on  the  i6th  of  September,  a  small   English 


*  On  the  22d  of  April,  1700,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  set  out  with  M.  DE  SAINT  DENY, 
and  twenty  Canadians  and  Indians,  to  visit  the  YATASSE  nation,  on  Red  River,  and, 
on  the  same  day,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  returned  to  the  fleet,  where  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  after 
wards  joined  him. 

•j-  This  fort  was  built  after  the  attempt  made  by  the  English  to  plant  a  colony  on  the 
banks  of  the  Mississippi.  At  the  foot  of  the  cross,  erected  near  the  fort,  the  follow- 
jng  inscription,  on  a  leaden  plate,  was  affixed,  by  order  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE  : — 

D   •  O  •  M  • 

The  French  first  came  here  from  Canada  under  M.  DE  LA  SALLE,  1682,.  From  the  same 
place,  under  M.  DE  TONTY,  in  1685.  From  the  Sea  Coast,  under  M.  D'IBERVILLE,  in 
1700,  and  planted  this  cross  Feb.  14.  1700 


60  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

700.       frigate,*  careened  in  a  bend  of  the  river,  about  three  leagues  in 


circuit.  He  demanded  of  the  captain  what  he  was  doing  in  the 
Mississippi,  and  if  he  was  not  aware  that  the  French  had  already 
established  themselves  in  this  country?  The  Englishman  was 
much  astonished,  and  replied  that  he  was  ignorant  of  the  fact, 
and  soon  after  retraced  his  steps  to  the  sea,  at  the  same  time 
uttering  threats  against  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  and  the  French.  It 
was  from  this  circumstance  that  the  bend  of  the  river  was  after 
wards  called  the  English  Turn. 

M.  D'!BERVILLE  having  traced  the  plan  and  size  of  the  fort 
which  had  been  commenced,  he  made  the  necessary  arrangements 
to  supply  it  with  provisions,  and  six  cannons  for  the  battery 
fronting  the  river;  and,  placing  his  brother,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE, 
in  command,  with  twenty-five  men,  he  returned  to  Biloxi,  fol 
lowed  by  two  of  our  long-boats,  and  five  French  Canadians, 
who,  hearing  of  our  establishment  at  Biloxi,  had  come  to  trade 
with  us. 

He  made  us  row  night  and  day  till  we  reached  our  ships, 
where  he  held  a  conference  with  M.  DE  SURGERES,  relative  to 
the  quantity  of  provisions  on  hand.  He  then  went  to  the  fort, 
at  Biloxi,  to  examine  the  amount  of  ammunition  there,  and 
increased  the  garrison  with  the  addition  of  sixty  Canadians, 
which  he  had  brought  with  him  on  his  first  voyage  with  M. 
DE  SURGERES.  After  having  taken  leave  of  M.  M.  DE  SAUVOL 


*  This  frigate  was  commanded  by  Captain  BARR,  and  was  fitted  out,  in  1698,  by 
the  English,  with  instructions  to  take  possession  of  Louisiana,  and  establish  a  colony 
on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  river.  First  Series  "  Historical  Collections  of  Louisi 
ana,"  Part  in,  p.  230. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  6  I 

and  DE  BOISBRIANT,  he  set  sail  for  France  on  the  3d  of  May,  1700. 
1700.  But,  before  his  departure,  he  recommended  M.  DE 
SAUVOL  to  place  twenty  men,  under  the  command  of  M.  LE 
SUEUR,  to  go  to  the  copper  mines  in  the  country  of  the  Sioux, 
about  nine  hundred  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and 
above  the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony. 

I  was  recommended,  by  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  to  join  this  expedition, 
because,  being  a  ship-carpenter  in  his  Majesty's  service,  my  ser 
vices  would  be  necessary  in  building  and  repairing  boats,  and, 
from  this  circumstance,  I  was  an  eye-witness  of  what  I  here 
relate.  After  M.  LE  SUEUR  had  laid  in  provisions,  and  all  the 
necessary  mining  implements,  he  embraced  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  and, 
at  the  end  of  April,  took  his  departure,  with  one  long-boat,  in 
which  were  twenty-five  men.  I  will  not  make  any  unneces 
sary  description  here  of  the  country,  as  I  have  already  described 
the  several  places  on  the  Mississippi  as  far  as  the  Tensas. 
We  started  off  the  next  day,  and  were  twenty-four  days  in 
reaching  the  Tensas,  on  account  of  the  current  of  the  river, 
which,  towards  the  end  of  May,  becomes  very  rapid,  from  the 
melting  of  the  snow  in  the  mountains,  which  swells  the  tribu 
taries  of  this  river  at  this  season  of  the  year. 

After  we  had  passed  the  Tensas,  ten  leagues  above,  on  the 
right  hand  side,  we  came  to  a  river,  called  the  Tasous  (lajoux). 
Four  leagues  higher  up,  on  the  right,  we  found  a  number  of 
villages,  where  six  nations  were  dwelling — the  Tasous,  Offogoulas, 
Tonicas,*  Coroas,  Bitoupas,  and  the  Oussipes.  In  one  of  those 


*  The  Tonicas,  or    Tunicas,  formerly  lived  on  the  east  side  of  the   Mississippi  river, 
bove  Point  Coupe.     They  were  a  powerful  nation,  and   always  lived  upon  good  terms 


62  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  villages,  we  found  a  French  priest,  who  was  accompanied  by  a 
servant;  also,  a  Frenchman,  who  showed  us  much  kindness  and 
attention,  and  were  delighted  to  meet  with  us.  He  came  among 
these  Indians  as  a  missionary,  to  endeavor  to  convert  some  of 
them.  The  next  morning,  before  our  departure,  he  performed 
mass.  We  told  him  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  formed  a  French 
establishment  in  the  country,  but  he  had  already  been  informed 
of  it.  After  giving  his  benediction,  he  embraced  us  all,  and, 
accompanying  us  to  the  -boats,  bade  us  adieu. 

From  this  place,  we  ascended  the  river  some  sixty  leagues  to 
a  river,  called  Arkansas  (Tonty],  about  half  the  width  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  runs  from  the  north  and  west.  Eight  leagues 
above  the  mouth  of  this  river,  on  the  left,  is  the  Arkansas  nation, 
from  which  the  river  takes  its  name.  There  are  two  other 
tribes  in  their  village,  called  the  Tourimans  and  the  Cappas 
(^uawpas).  They  gave  us  a  kind  reception,  and  chanted  the 
calumet,  but  they  could  furnish  us  with  but  few  provisions,  as 
the  high  waters  had  driven  all  their  cattle  and  game  into  the 
interior.  This  is  a  very  warlike  nation.  They  are  great 
hunters,  and  live  entirely  by  the  chase  when  the  waters  of  the 
Mississippi  are  low,  for,  at  that  time,  their  country  is  full  of 
game.  This  is  the  reason  they  are  not  fond  of  labor,  and  give 
but  little  attention  to  the  culture  of  their  fields.  Their  women 
do  much  more  labor  than  the  men.  They  are  handsome,  and 

with  the  French.  They  assisted  them  in  their  wars  with  other  nations,  and  especially 
against  the  Natchez,  for  which  the  King  of  France  presented  their  chief  with  a  gold- 
headed  cane  and  silver  medal.  They  spoke  the  French  and  Mobilian  languages.  A 
vocabulary  of  their  language,  in  manuscript,  is  deposited  in  the  library  of  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  63 

almost  white.  The  men  are  stout,  and  thick-set.  We  found  iyoo. 
an  English  trader  here,  who  was  of  great  assistance  in  obtaining 
provisions  for  us,  as  our  stock  was  rapidly  declining,  which 
caused  us  to  hurry  our  departure.  Twenty  leagues  above,  we 
found  a  river,  which  we  called  St.  Francis,  a  name  it  retains  to 
this  day.  It  is  about  a  league  in  circumference.  Twenty 
leagues  higher  up,  on  the  right  hand  side,  the  banks  are  very 
elevated;  a  small  river  empties  into  it,  called  Riviere  a  Margot 
(Wolf).  It  is  by  this  river  you  go  to  the  village  of  the  Chica- 
saws,  distant  about  thirty  leagues  from  the  borders  of  the  Missis 
sippi.  As  the  village  was  so  far  off,  we  did  not  visit  it.  Forty 
leagues  above,  on  the  right,  ascending,  are  the  Prudhomme  Bluffs, 
so  named  from  a  French  Canadian,  who  had  built  a  block-house 
fort  here,  in  which  he  died,  and  which  yet  bears  his  name. 
Fifty  leagues  above,  on  the  same  side,  are  the  Iron  Banks,  or 
bluffs,  and  five  leagues  beyond  the  mouth  of  the  river  Wabash 
(Ohio),  its  course  being  from  east  to  west,  and  as  large  as  the 
Mississippi  at  its  mouth.  In  ascending  this  river,  you  can  go  as 
far  as  Canada.  Its  banks  abound  in  every  species  of  game. 

Ten  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  this  river,  another  falls  into 
it,  called  Kasquinempas*  (Tennessee).  It  takes  its  source  from 
the  neighborhood  of  the  Carolina,  and  passes  through  the  village 
of  the  Cberokees,  a  populous  nation,  that  number  some  fifty 
thousand  warriors. 

Fifteen  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  IP  abash  (Ohio),  on 
the  right  hand  side  of  the  Mississippi,  you  meet  with  the  Cape  of 

*  This  river  is  sometimes  called  the  Casquinambaux,  or  Chcraquisy  on  old  maps. 


64 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1700.  St.  Anthony.  This  is  the  place  where  the  French  come  to  get 
millstones.  Near  this  cape  our  provisions  totally  failed  us. 
We  were  obliged  to  remain  here  twenty-two  days  for  supplies. 
Each  one  of  us  was  obliged  to  take  our  guns,  and  go  into 
the  woods,  and  seek  for  the  necessaries  of  life.  Some  of  our 
men  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  the  sap,  young  leaves,  and 
tender  buds  of  the  trees,  as  it  was  the  spring  time,  and  the 
river's  banks  were  already  overflowed  in  many  places.  Three 
of  our  comrades  went  on  the  other  side  of  the  Mississippi  with  a 
canoe,  where,  having  landed,  they  fastened  it  to  a  tree,  and, 
being  separated  in  the  hunt,  they  killed  some  bears,  which  we 
found  excellent  eating. 

We  waited  at  this  place  for  provisions,  because  the  priest  we 
had  met  some  days  previous,  opposite  the  Prudbomme  Bluffs, 
was  on  his  way  to  the  sea,  to  visit  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  and  who, 
having  learned  of  his  return  to  France,  had  changed  his  inten 
tion.  Before  returning  to  the  Illinois,  he  had  given  us  all 
the  provisions  he  could  spare,  and  even  deprived  himself  of 
those  which  were  necessary.  M.  LE  SUEUR  begged  him  to 
send  us  a  canoe  loaded  with  provisions,  and  we  would  await 
him  at  Cape  St.  Anthony,  for  we  were  so  feeble  from  want  of 
nourishment,  that  we  could  not  continue  our  voyage.  He 
departed  immediately,  and  promised  to  pursue  his  route  day  and 
night,  in  order  to  come  to  our  relief  as  soon  as  possible.  Nor 
did  he  fail  in  his  word  ;  for,  as  soon  as  he  returned  to  the  Illinois, 
he  sent  a  canoe  filled  with  every  kind  of  provisions,  which 
reached  us  in  twenty-two  days,  in  our  greatest  distress. 

Father  LIMOGES  was  in  this  canoe,  with   four  Frenchmen, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  65 

who  were  to  conduct  him  to   B'tloxi.     We  thus    passed  three       1700. 
days  in  repairing  our   strength,  at  the  end  of  which  we  again 
took  our  departure.      Six  leagues  higher  up,  we  came  to    Cape 
St.  Comes,  and  eight  leagues  thence  to  the  mouth  of  the  Illinois. 

The  Kaskasklas  have,  within  a  few  years,  established  them 
selves  in  a  place  two  leagues  from  this  river  in  the  interior. 
There  is  a  small  desert  island  opposite  the  mouth  of  this  river. 
Ascending  three  leagues  further,  we  came  to  Little  Salt  River, 
thus  called,  because  in  the  neighborhood  are  found  two  branches 
(Gabourie  and  Platine]  of  salt  water.  This  is  the  place  where 
the  French,  among  the  Illinois,  come  to  get  their  salt.  We 
remained  here  some  days  to  hunt  deer,  which  are  found  in  great 
numbers,  as  those  animals  are  very  fond  of  salt.  Eight  leagues 
higher  up,  we  came  to  a  small  river,  called  Maramecq  (Mara- 
meg).  It  is  by  this  route  that  the  Indians  go  to  the  lead  mines, 
which  are  about  fifty  leagues  distant  up  the  Mississippi.  Ten 
leagues  further,  we  came  to  a  village  of  the  Illinois,  situated  on 
the  banks  of  the  river.  We  approached,  with  our  sails  up,  and 
saluted  them  with  a  voltey  of  a  dozen  muskets;  these  Indians 
were  much  surprised,  but  particularly  so  at  our  long-boats, 
as  they  had  never  before  seen  anything  larger  than  bark  canoes 
from  Canada,  and  a  few  pirogues  from  Louisiana.  Several  came 
on  board,  together  with  a  number  of  Canadian  traders,  who 
were  purchasing  furs  and  skins.  The  French,  living  among  the 
Illinois,  placed  themselves  under  arms,  to  give  a  suitable  recep 
tion  to  M.  LE  SUEUR,  whom  they  had  formerly  known.  There 
were,  besides  three  French  missionaries  in  the  village,  also 

9 


66  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  M.  BERGIER,  the  grand  vicar  from  the  Bishop  of  Canada,  M. 
M.  BOUTEVILLE  and  DE  ST.  COME;  also  two  Jesuits,  Father 
PINET*  and  Father  LIMOGES.  The  Indians  chanted  the  calumet 
with  M.  LE  SUEUR,  who,  in  return,  made  them  considerable 
presents.  We  remained  seventeen  days  in  this  village,  where 
four  of  our  men  left  us  to  go  to  Canada.  We  took  five  others 
in  their  place,  among  whom  was  a  person  named  CHAPOUGAR, 
who  acted  as  interpreter,  as  he  spoke  nearly  all  the  Indian 
languages. 

In  front  of  this  village  of  the  Illinois  is  a  small  island,  which 
conceals  the  entrance  to  it.  It  is  only  by  a  small  branch  of  the 
Mississippi  that  it  can  be  approached.  All  around  and  beyond  the 
village  is  a  prairie,  and,  in  the  distance,  lofty  hills,  which  give 
a  magnificent  perspective.  After  having  taken  leave  of  all  our 
acquaintances,  we  continued  our  route  up  the  river.  Six  leagues 
more  brought  us  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missouri.  This  river  has 
a  very  rapid  current,  especially  in  the  spring  of  the  year,  when 
the  waters  are  high.  On  passing  beyond  the  islands  which  it 
inundates,  it  roots  up  the  trees  and  drags  them  along  in  its 
course ;  it  is  from  this  cause  that  the  Mississippi  is  filled  with 
floating  trees  during  the  spring  floods;  it  also  assumes  its  color 
from  this  river,  neither  sources  of  which  have  ever  yet  been 
discovered.  The  Indians  dwelling  on  the  banks  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  when  the  waters  are  low,  in  the  months  of  August  and 
December,  go  to  the  mines.  I  will  not  speak  of  those  dwelling 

*  Father  HUGUES  PINET  went  to  the  Illinois  as  early  as  1670,  three  years  before 
MAROJJETTE  and  JOLIET  explored  the  Mississippi,  to  establish  a  mission  among  the 
Tamaroas  (Cahokias}. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  67 

on    the    banks    of   the    Missouri,    because    we    have    never    yet       I JOO. 


ascended  it.  After  having  passed  its  mouth,  we  continued  our 
route  up  the  Mississippi,  and,  six  leagues  above,  came  to  the 
grand  river  of  the  Illinois,  on  the  right  hand  side,  where  we 
were  joined  by  three  Canadian  travellers,  who  brought  M.  LE 
SUEUR  a  letter  from  Father  MAREST.  It  is  by  this  river  you 
go  to  Canada.  Opposite  its  mouth  commences  a  series  of  the 
most  beautiful  and  most  extensive  prairies  in  the  world.  Con 
tinuing  our  route  ten  leagues  higher  up,  we  came  to  Bceuf  River 
(Buffalo),  to  the  right  and  left  of  which  are  steep  rocks.  We 
ascended  this  river  half  a  league,  and  encamped  on  its  banks. 
Four  of  our  men  went  out  on  a  hunt,  and  killed  a  wild  buffalo, 
about  half  a  league  from  our  encampment.  Immediately  one  of 
the  hunters  came  in  for  assistance  to  carry  the  game  into  camp, 
which  we  did  with  great  pleasure,  as  we  were  very  hungry, 
having  had  a  fatiguing  day's  journey,  with  but  little  to  eat. 
When  it  was  cooked,  we  ate  a  good  part  of  it,  at  the  same  time 
emptying  several  bottles  of  brandy,  which  greatly  invigorated  us. 

Thirty-five  leagues  beyond  this,  we  came  to  a  mountain  (La 
Montague  qui  trempe  dans  feau],  situated  nearly  in  the  centre 
of  the  river,  though  a  little  inclined  to  the  right  side. 

Sixty  leagues  from  this,  we  came  to  a  prairie,  looking  very 
charming,  from  its  beauty  and  size,  at  the  upper  side  of  which 
passes  a  river,  flowing  into  the  Mississippi;  we  called  it  Moin- 
gona  (Des  Moines],  from  the  name  of  an  Indian  tribe  dwelling 
upon  its  banks.  One  league  above  the  mouth  of  this  river,  we 
came  to  a  rapid,  cut  up  into  cascades.  This  was  seven  leagues 
in  length,  and  we  were  obliged  to  discharge  our  boats,  get  into 


68  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.       the  water,  and  push  them  along  with  our  hands.     At  the  end 


of  those  seven  leagues,  we  found  the  river  navigable. 

On  the  left  of  these  rapids  are  open  prairies,  extending  ten 
leagues  from  and  along  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  The  grass 
upon  these  prairies  is  like  clover,  upon  which  an  infinite  number 
of  animals  brouse.  After  passing  these  rapids,  we  found,  on 
the  right  and  left,  mines  of  lead,  which  are  called,  to  this  day, 
Nicholas  Perrot,  the  name  of  the  person  who  first  discovered 
them. 

Twenty  leagues  higher  up,  we  found  the  entrance  of  a  large 
river,  called  Ouisconsin,*  opposite  four  islands,  aad  quite  an  ele 
vated  mountain,  about  half  a  league  in  length.  By  this  route 
you  go  to  the  Bay  of  Foxes,  sixty  leagues  from  the  Mississippi. 
This  bay  is  only  four  leagues  from  Lake  Michigan,  where  the 
French  cross  to  go  to  Canada  upon  their  return  from  the  Sioux. 
At  the  distance  of  ten  leagues  above  the  mouth  of  the  Ouisconsin 
commences  a  prairie,  extending  some  sixty  leagues  along  the 
borders  of  the  Mississippi.  It  is  called  Winged  Prairie  (Prairie 
aux  Ailes))  and  is  terminated  by  high  hills,  that  render  the  pros 
pect  very  beautiful.  Opposite  Winged  Prairie,  to  the  left,  is 
another  facing  it,  called  Paquitanet,  neither  so  large  or  so  long. 
Twenty  leagues  above  this,  we  came  to  Lake  Good  Relief  (Bon 
Secours),  about  seven  leagues  in  circumference,  and  one  across, 
through  which  the  Mississippi  passes.  Its  banks,  right  and  left, 

*  It  was  by  this  river  that  M.  LE  SUEUR,  for  the  first  time,  entered  the  Mississippi 
river,  in  1683,  to  visit  the  nations  of  the  Sioux,  among  whom  he  resided  for  more 
than  seven  years.  It  was  also  by  this  river  that  Father  MAROJJETTE  and  the  Sieur 
JOLIET  entered  the  Mississippi  from  the  Bay  of  Puans  (Green  Bay},  to  explore  it  to  its 
mouth,  in  1673. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  69 

are  bordered  by  prairies.  On  the  right  bank  is  a  fort,  built  by  I'JOO. 
NICHOLAS  PERROT,*  and  yet  known  by  his  name.  At  the 
upper  part  of  the  lake  is  Bald  Island  (F Isle  Pelee),  so  called 
because  there  is  not  a  tree  standing  upon  it.  It  is  upon  this 
island  that  the  French  from  Canada  established  their  fort  and 
stores,  when  they  came  to  trade  for  furs  and  other  merchandize. 
They  also  winter  here,  because  game  is  abundant  in  the  prairies 
on  both  sides  of  the  river. 

Three  leagues  after  leaving  Bald  Island,  we  reached  the  River 
Sairite  Croix  (Holy  Cross),  on  the  i6th  of  September,  where  there 
is  a  large  cross  planted  at  its  mouth,  and  several  leagues  from 
the  Falls  of  St.  Anthony,  which  extend  two  leagues.  This  rapid, 
the  whole  width  of  the  Mississippi,  has  a  perpendicular  fall  of 
sixty  feet,  making  a  noise  resembling  thunder,  which  is  heard 
at  a  considerable  distance.  At  this  place,  the  boats  must  be 
carried  by  land,  in  order  to  continue  the  route  up  the  Mis 
sissippi,  which,  upon  reflection,  we  concluded  not  to  do,  and 


*  NICHOLAS  PERROT  was,  says  Father  CHARLEVOIX,  a  man  of  talent,  and  belonged 
to  a  respectable  family.  At  an  early  period  of  life  he  acquired  several  Indian  lan 
guages,  and,  in  1665,  was  selected,  by  M.  TALON,  to  accompany  Sieur  DE  ST.  LUSSON 
to  the  Falls  of  St.  Mary  as  interpreter,  in  persuading  the  numerous  tribes  around  the 
upper  lakes  to  submit  to  the  French  Crown.  In  1684,  he  was  employed  by  M.  DE  LA 
BARRE  in  bringing  the  Western  tribes  to  his  assistance  against  the  Iroquois  ;  and,  subse 
quently,  he  performed  the  like  service  for  M.  DE  DENONVILLE.  For  several  successive 
years  he  was  employed  as  Indian  agent.  He  afterwards  built  a  fort  on  Lake  Pepin,  and 
discovered  the  celebrated  lead  mines  on  the  river  Des  Moines,  in  Iowa,  which  at  one 
time  bore  his  name.  He  travelled  over  most  of  New  France,  and  wrote  an  interesting 
account  of  it,  still  in  manuscript,  entitled,  "  Mocurs,  Coutumes,  et  Rclligion  des  Sauvages, 
dans  r  An'crique  Septcntrionale,"  from  which,  as  well  as  from  the  "  Annals  of  Louisi 
ana,"  by  M.  PENICAUT,  Father  CHARLEVOIX  acknowledges  that,  "  J*ai  irou-ve  dans 
cet  deux  MSS.  bicn  des  eclaircissemcns,  que  j'avois  en  vain  cherche  dans  Its  livres  im- 
primis."  Of  M.  PENICAUT,  he  says,  "  //  entendoit  prcsque  toutes  les  langues  des  Sauvaget 
de  la  Louisiane." — CHARLEVOIX. 


yO  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1700.  returned  about  a  quarter  of  a  league  below  to  the  mouth  of 
a  river  on  the  left  hand  side,  which  we  named  St.  Peter. 
We  continued  our  route  up  this  river,  and  found  another  river 
falling  into  the  St.  Peter  from  the  left,  which  we  entered,  and 
gave  it  the  name  of  Green  River  (Minnesota),  because  the  earth, 
being  blended  with  the  copper  ore  falling  into  it,  produced  a 
green  tinge — having  now  travelled  from  the  Tamaroas*  two 
hundred  and  seven  leagues.  A  league  higher  up  this  river,  M. 
LE  SUEUR  determined  to  build  a  fort,  as  it  was  now  the  end  of 
September,  and  ice  forming  rapidly ;  the  weather  had  become 
rough  and  tempestuous.  One  half  of  our  men  went  hunting, 
while  the  other  half  worked  at  the  fort.  We  killed  four 
hundred  buffaloes,  which  served  us  as  provisions  during  the 
winter.  We  placed  them  upon  scaffolds  in  the  fort,  after 
having  skinned  and  cut  them  up.  We  also  constructed  cabins 
within  the  enclosure  of  the  fort,  in  order  to  render  ourselves 
more  comfortable.  We  were  not  unmindful  to  place  our  boats 
under  shelter.  At  the  commencement  of  the  erection  of 
the  fort,  seven  French  traders,  from  Canada,  came  there,  who 
had  been  robbed  of  all  their  merchandize,  and  stripped  of  their 
clothing,  by  that  wandering  nation  of  savages,  called  the  Sioux, 
who  live  by  pillage  and  rapine.  Among  this  number,  there  was 
one  who  was  acquainted  with  M.  LE  SUEUR — a  Canadian  gen 
tleman — whom  he  at  once  recognized,  and  clothed  him  as  he  did 
the  rest.  They  remained  with  us  at  the  fort  during  the  win 
ter,  where  we  had  nothing  to  eat  but  buffalo  meat,  without  salt. 

*  An  Indian  village,  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  where  the  Jesuits   had  a  mis 
sionary  establishment,  and  the  French  a  settlement. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


CHAPTER     III. 


N  the  third  of  April,  1701,  we  set  out,  1701 
with  twelve  miners  and  four  hunters,  to 
work  at  the  copper  mine,  situated  about 
a  league  from  the  fort  (T Huillier),  and 
took  from  it  upwards  of  thirty  thousand 
pounds  of  ore.  We  selected  from  this 

mass  about  four  thousand  pounds  of  the  purest  and  most  beau 
tiful,  which  M.  LE  SUEUR,  who  was  skilled  in  the  knowledge 
of  minerals,  had  carried  into  the  fort,  and  transported  to  France, 
of  which  I  never  heard  the  final  result.* 

After  working  twenty-two  days  at  the  mines,  we  returned  to 
the  fort,  where  the  Sioux,  who  had  pillaged  the  Canadians,  came 
to  trade  with  their  peltries  for  our  merchandize.  They  had 
more  than  four  hundred  beaver-robes,  which  M.  LE  SUEUR 
purchased,  as  well  as  many  other  skins  they  brought  with  them. 
The  cold,  in  this  country,  is  more  rigorous  than  in  Canada. 
During  the  winter  we  passed  in  our  fort,  we  often  heard  the 

*  The  mineral  region  of  the  north-west  was  very  faithfully  explored,  at  an  early 
period,  by  eminent  French  engineers  sent  from  Canada,  who  made  their  reports  to  the 
French  Government. 


72  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

iyoi.  trees  snapping  and  cracking  from  the  effects  of  the  severe  frost, 
similiar  to  the  report  of  fire-arms.  The  water  in  the  river  was 
frozen  to  the  bottom,  and  the  snow  covered  the  earth  to  the 
depth  of  five  feet  on  a  level.  The  snow  and  ice  generally  melts 
in  the  spring,  about  the  month  of  April,  which  causes  the 
Mississippi  to  overflow  its  banks.  In  the  beginning  of  May,  we 
drew  our  boats  into  the  water,  loaded  them  with  the  ore  taken 
from  the  mine,  and  the  peltries  we  had  procured. 

Before  taking  our  departure,  M.  LE  SUEUR  held  a  council 
with  M.  D'ERAQUE,  the  Canadian  gentleman  of  whom  I  have 
already  spoken,  and  the  three  Sioux  chiefs,  who  were  brothers. 
He  told  them  he  was  obliged  to  go  down  to  the  sea,  and  begged 
them  to  maintain  peace  with  M.  D'ERAQUE,  whom  he  would 
have  as  governor  of  Fort  /' Huillier,  with  a  dozen  of  Frenchmen. 
He  made  considerable  presents  to  those  three  brothers,  and 
persuaded  them  never  to  abandon  the  French.  After  this,  we 
embarked,  with  twelve  men,  whom  M.  LE  SUEUR  had  selected 
to  accompany  him.  At  parting,  he  promised  those  who  were 
left  behind  to  guard  the  fort,  that,  so  soon  as  he  arrived  among 
the  Illinois^  he  would  send  back  provisions  and  munitions  of 
war;  which  he  did,  for  he  sent  back  a  canoe  loaded  with  two 
thousand  pounds  of  powder  and  lead,  with  three  of  our  men  to 
conduct  it.  We  remained  some  days  among  the  Illinois,  to  take 
in  provisions  necessary  for  our  voyage.  In  our  descent,  we 
stopped  at  all  the  villages  mentioned  heretofore,  and  landed  at 
the  fort,  where  M.  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  and  DE  BIENVILLE  com 
manded,  who  informed  us  that  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  arrived 
within  a  short  time  since. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  j^ 

These  gentlemen  gave  us  an  account  of  a  voyage  they  had       1  70  1 


made  up  the  Red  River  [Sabloniere],  with  a  detachment  of 
twenty-five  men,  in  search  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  confines  of 
Mexico.  Whilst  we  were  at  the  mines,  they  had  ascended  this 
river,  seventy  leagues  from  its  entrance  into  the  Mississippi^  and 
there  met  with  the  nation  of  the  Natchitoches,  who  chanted  to 
them  the  calumet  of  peace,  and,  during  the  three  days  they 
remained  there,  they  demanded  of  the  chiefs  if  they  knew  where 
the  Spanish  settlements  could  be  found.  One  of  them,  called 
the  WHITE  CHIEF,  with  ten  of  his  Indians,  conducted  them  to 
the  village  of  the  Cadodaquioux^  about  one  hundred  leagues 
above  the  Natchitoches.  When  they  arrived  there,  they  asked 
of  the  Gadodaquioux,  in  what  direction  they  could  reach  the 
Spanish  settlements  ;  but  these  Indians  replied,  that,  for  some 
time  past,  none  of  them  had  dwelt  in  their  village,  and  none 
had  visited  it  for  more  than  two  years  past.  This  information 
determined  M.  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  and  DE  BIENVILLE  to  return 
to  their  fort.  The  three  persons  whom  M.  LE  SUEUR  had  left 

*  In  the  early  settlement  of  Louisiana,  the  Caddos  —  pronounced  by  the  tribe, 
Ca-do-ha-da-cho,  and,  by  the  French,  Cadodaquioux  —  were  united  to  several  brave  and 
warlike  tribes,  among  whom  were  the  Natchitoches  and  Assonis,  who  lived  on  the  south 
bank  of  Red  River,  in  a  pleasant  and  fertile  country,  several  hundred  miles  above  the 
present  town  of  Natchitoches.  They  had  a  tradition  that  the  world  was  destroyed  by  a 
flood,  but  the  Great  Spirit  placed  them  on  an  eminence  near  a  lake,  and  they  alone 
were  saved,  and  from  them  descended  all  the  Indians  in  the  South.  The  whole 
number  of  this  (Caddo}  nation  is  now  reduced  to  less  than  a  hundred  families,  who  still 
exercise  a  great  influence  over  the  surrounding  tribes  —  the  Tattasees,  Nabadachies, 
Inniesy  Keychics,  Adaies,  Nacogdoches,  and  Nandakoes,  all  of  whom  speak  the  Caddo 
language,  and  look  up  to  them  as  their  fathers.  Specimens  of  the  Caddo  and  Witchita 
languages  are  to  be  found  in  MARCY'S  "  Exploration  of  Red  River,"  GALLATIN'S 
"  Synopsis  of  the  Indian  Languages,"  and  in  SCHOOLCRAFT'S  "  History  of  the  Indian 
Tribes  of  the  United  States." 

IO 


74.  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1701.  in  charge  of  the  canoe  with  munitions  of  war  for  M.  D'£RAQUE, 
at  Fort  r  Huillier,  arrived  where  we  were.  They  astonished  M. 
LE  SUEUR  greatly,  by  the  information  that  the  canoe  having 
broken,  was  totally  lost,  with  everything  on  board,  just  opposite 
the  mine  of  NICHOLAS  PERROT.  M.  M.  ST.  DENIS  and  DE 
BIENVILLE  gave  orders  to  load  another  canoe  with  munitions  of 
war  and  provisions,  and  charged  them  to  hasten  back  to  the  fort 
with  all  due  diligence.  As  for  us,  after  having  discharged  our 
boat  and  canoes  of  the  peltries  for  which  we  had  trafficked  with 
the  Sioux,  we  descended  with  M.  LE  SUEUR  in  a  long-boat,  and, 
in  a  few  days,  arrived  at  the  Fort  of  Biloxi,  where  we  found  M. 
D'IBERVILLE,  who  had  returned  within  a  few  days,  and  was  yet 
busily  engaged  in  discharging  his  ships. 

M.  D'IBERVILLE  having  loaded  two  long-boats  with  provi 
sions,  and  taken  thirty  men  and  a  pilot  with  him,  we  went  to 
make  the  soundings  around  Massacre  Island  (Daupbine),  upon  the 
report  made  to  him  by  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  that  a  good  anchorage 
for  ships  had  been  found  there,  near  to  which  is  another  small 
island,  and  protection  sufficient  for  thirty  ships.  The  pass  and 
all  its  environs  were  found  to  be  good.  From  Massacre  Island, 
we  sailed  to  a  bay  about  five  leagues  wide,  and  not  more  than 
two  leagues  distant ;  we  entered  it,  and,  at  nine  leagues  distance, 
found  a  river,  which  discharges  its  waters  to  the  left.  Having 
ascended  this  river  one  league,  we  found  another  confluent. 
To  the  first,  we  gave  the  name  of  St.  Martin,  to  the  second, 
Boutin.  Twelve  leagues  higher  up,  we  came  to  a  settlement  of 
Indians,  called  Mobilians.  They  were  in  no  way  astonished  at 
seeing  us,  because  they  were  already  acquainted  with  our  estab- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  75 

lishment  at  Biloxl.  They  desired  to  sing  the  calumet  of  peace  1 70 1 
to  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  but  he  told  them  he  had  not  time  at  present 
to  remain.  He  made  them  some  presents,  and,  on  the  morrow, 
descended  the  Mobile  River.  He  took  with  him  one  of  their 
chiefs,  to  point  out  to  him  an  elevated  piece  of  ground  six 
leagues  below  their  village,  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river,  where 
he  desired  to  construct  a  fort,  to  be  occupied  by  the  French. 
We  then  descended  the  river  to  the  bay,  to  return  to  our  fort. 
Two  leagues  from  Mobile  River,  we  came  to  Dog  River,  one 
league  lower  down,  to  Deer  River,  and,  two  leagues  from  the 
latter,  we  came  to  Chicken  River.  We  then  took  a  direct 
course  for  Biloxi,  where  sickness  had  begun  to  be  frequent,  by 
reason  of  the  heat  of  the  summer,  which  caused  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  to  hasten  the  construction  of  the  fort  at  Mobile.  After 
this,  he  set  out  again  for  France,  accompanied  by  M.  LE  SUEUR, 
the  geologist.  The  ore  we  brought  with  us  from  the  mines 
was  placed  on  board  the  ships,  for  the  purpose  of  being  assayed 
in  France,  but  we  never  afterwards  heard  what  became  of  it. 

After  the  departure  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  M.  DE  BOISBRIANT 
took  with  him  sixty  men,  and  went  to  Mobile  to  build  the  fort, 
in  the  place  marked  out  by  M.  D'!BERVILLE  before  he  sailed. 
It  was,  at  this  time,  that  M.  DE  SAUVOL,  the  commander  of  the 
fort  at  Biloxi,  fell  sick,  and  died  on  the  22d  of  August,  1701. 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  who  was  at  the  fort  on  the  Mississippi  witn 
M.  ST.  DENIS,  on  hearing  of  his  death,  immediately  descended 
the  river  to  the  sea,  and  took  command  of  the  fort.  Having 
observed  that  the  cause  of  the  sickness  was,  in  a  great  measure, 
owing  to  the  want  of  water,  he  hastened  to  have  all  the  muni- 


7 6  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1701.  tions  of  war  and  merchandize  transported  to  the  fort  of  Mobile, 
where  M.  DE  BOISBRIANT  had  already  made  the  necessary 
constructions  for  their  reception  and  security.  M.  DE  BIEN- 
VILLE  now  went  to  Mobile  to  perfect  the  works  at  the  fort, 
and  the  residences  for  the  Inhabitants.  This  fort  was  three 
hundred  and  sixty  feet  square,  with  a  battery  of  six  pieces 
of  cannon  at  each  of  the  four  corners,  each  advancing  in  the 
centre,  in  a  semi-circle.  Within  were  four  buildings,  situated 
about  fifteen  feet  within  the  curtains,  and  afterwards  appropri 
ated  for  a  chapel,  governor's  house,  and  officers'  quarters.  The 
barracks  for  the  soldiers  were  built  outside  of  the  fort,  one 
hundred  and  fifty  paces  from  the  fort,  on  the  banks  of  Mobile 
River. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


77 


CHAPTER     IV. 


N  the  i8th  of  March,  1702,  M.  D'!BER- 
VILLE  arrived  in  Louisiana,  and  anchored 
in  the  roadstead,  at  Massacre  Island. 
He  visited,  soon  after,  Fort  Louis  de 
la  Mobile,  which  he  found  in  excellent 
condition.  From  this  place  he  sent  laborers  to  Massacre  Island, 
for  the  purpose  of  constructing  the  magazines  destined  to  receive 
the  merchandize  which  he  had  brought  with  him  in  the  two  ships 
from  France,  and  also  barracks  for  the  soldiers,  who  were  to 
guard  the  merchandize.  He  returned  a  few  days  after,  and 
changed  the  name  of  Massacre  to  Dauphine  Island,*  and  the 
island  of  Surgeres  to  Ship  Island,  because  we  found  there  the 
best  shelter  for  our  ships  on  our  arrival  in  this  country.  A  fort 
was  afterwards  built  on  this  island,  with  barracks  for  troops. 
He  returned  again  to  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile,  where  he  fitted  out 
several  detachments,  to  send  up  the  river  in  search  of  the  native 
chiefs  of  the  surrounding  country.  We  took  some  of  the  Mo- 
billans  as  guides,  who  conducted  a  portion  of  our  men  among  the 


1702. 


In  compliment  to  the  eldest  son  of  the  King  of  France. 


y 8  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1702.  Alibamons,  a  nation  dwelling  on  the  borders  of  Carolina,  and  the 
rest  to  the  Choctaws  and  Chicasaws,  whose  habitations  are  upon 
the  confines  of  the  Illinois.  On  the  25th,  the  chiefs  of  those 
nations,  together  with  those  of  other  tribes  dwelling  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Mobilians,  the  Thomez,  and  the  Forks  (Gens  des 
Fourcbes\  all  came  together  to  our  fort,  to  make  a  treaty  of 
peace,  and  chanted  the  calumet  of  peace  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE, 
who  distributed  presents  among  them,  before  sending  them 
away.  At  the  same  time,  he  gave  them  an  invitation,  through 
an  interpreter,  to  visit  the  fort  freely,  and  trade  with  the  French 
for  provisions  and  merchandize,  to  which  they  replied,  it  would 
give  them  pleasure  to  do  so. 

In  the  meantime,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  sent  a  gun-boat,  laden 
with  provisions  and  munitions  of  war,  to  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS, 
commanding  the  fort  on  the  Mississippi  river.  M.  D'ERAQUE 
arrived  there  from  Fort  FHuillier,  with  twelve  Frenchmen,  and, 
a  few  days  after,  upon  the  return  of  the  gun-boat,  he  came 
to  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile,  where  he  found  M.  D'!BERVILLE, 
whom  he  saluted,  and  reported  that  M.  LE  SUEUR,  at  his  depar 
ture,  left  him  at  the  fort,  and  had  promised  to  send  him 
provisions  and  ammunition ;  but,  having  waited  a  long  time 
without  receiving  any  news  from  him,  he  had  been  attacked  by 
the  nations  of  the  Mascoutins  and  Foxes^*  who  had  killed  three 


*  The  MascoutinS)  called,  by  the  Hurons,  Assistagueronons,  means  the  Fire  Nation. 
In  the  earliest  accounts  of  the  Jesuits,  they  are  described  as  the  dominant  tribe  around 
Lake  Michigan,  and  were  constantly  at  war  with  the  Ottaiuas,  and  other  Western 
tribes.  In  1712,  a  band  of  them  moved  eastward,  and  settled  on  the  Wabashy  and 
another  on  St.  Josephs  River,  and,  still  later,  on  Rock  River.  Most  every  writer, 
from  CHAMPLIN  to  SCHOOLCRAFT,  has  described  them  as  a  brave  and  powerful  nation. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  jg 

of  his  men,  who  were  at  work  in  the  woods  a  short  distance  1702, 
from  the  fort.  These  Indians  afterwards  retired,  and,  having 
no  powder  or  shot  to  defend  himself,  he  thought  it  most  pru 
dent  to  embark  the  merchandize  remaining  on  hand,  abandon 
the  fort,  and  descend  the  river  with  his  men.  That  he  had  met 
with  M.  JUCHEREAU  DE  ST.  DENIS,  of  Montreal,  Canada,  with 
thirty-five  men,  whom  he  was  conducting  to  the  river  Wabash, 
for  the  purpose  of  establishing  a  tannery,  who  descended  with 
him,  as  far  as  the  Illinois,  where  he  met  with  the  canoe  sent 
by  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  and  that  it  was  in  this  canoe  he  had 
arrived  at  the  establishment  of  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  on  the  morn 
ing  of  the  arrival  of  the  gun-boat ;  and,  having  heard  of  the 
arrival  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  he  profited  by  the  occurrence  to 
return  in  the  gun-boat,  to  offer  him  his  salutations  and  services. 
M.  D'!BERVILLE  gave  him  a  cordial  reception,  and  engaged  him 
to  remain  at  Mobile.  After  this,  he  went  over  to  visit  Daupb'me 
Island,  and  examine  the  works  and  stores  erected  there  for  the 
purpose  of  receiving  his  merchandize.  He  also  visited  the 
soldiers'  barracks. 

At  the  same  period  the  Spaniards  built  a  fort,  which  they 
named  Pensacola  de  Galvez,  twelve  leagues  from  Dauphine  Island, 
and,  upon  the  main-land,  thirty  leagues  east  of  Mobile.  As  we 


The  Foxes  (Outagamis),  who  call  themselves  Musquckics,  and  the  French,  Les 
Renards,  are  also  described  as  a  brave  people,  who  were  constantly  at  war  with  other 
Indian  nations.  Their  history,  manners,  and  customs,  have  been  written  by  the 
Jesuit  Fathers.  A  mission  was  established  among  them  by  Father  ALLOUEZ,  but 
without  success,  as  they  were  opposed  to  Christian  doctrine.  The  Foxes  spoke  the 
same  language  as  the  Kikkapocs.  See  GALLATIN'S  Synopsis,  in  Vol.  n  of  "  Archaeol- 
ogia  Americana,"  KEATING'S  "  Expedition  to  St.  Peter's  River,"  Vol.  i,  pp.  450-9, 
and  "  Reise  des  Prinzen  Maximilien  de  Wiede,"  Vol.  u,  p.  522,  et  scq. 


go  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1702.  Were  at  peace  with  them,  and  they  were  upon  their  own  ground, 
we  did  not  deem  it  proper  to  oppose  them  ;  but  we  will  see,  in 
the  sequel,  that  this  fort  was  the  germ  of  a  contention  between 
us,  that  lasted  two  years.  Having  given  all  necessary  orders, 
and  bade  adieu  to  his  officers,  M.  D'!BERVILLE  again  took  his 
departure  for  France  in  the  month  of  June. 

A  few  days  after  he  had  left,  M.  DE  TONTY,  governor  among 
the  Illinois,  came  to  Mobile  with  the  Canadian  merchants,  think 
ing  to  find  M.  D'IBERVILLE  there.  He  saluted  M.  DE  BIEN- 
VILLE,  our  governor,  with  whom  he  remained  a  long  time. 

About  this  time,  five  of  our  Frenchmen  desired  permis 
sion  from  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  go  and  trade  among  the  All- 
bamons,  in  order  to  procure  poultry  and  other  provisions,  of 
which  we  stood  in  need.  They  took  occasion  to  set  out  with 
ten  of  that  nation  who  had  been  trading  at  the  fort,  and  wished 
to  return  home.  On  the  journey,  they  stopped  at  a  village 
about  five  leagues  from  our  fort,  where  were  assembled  three 
different  nations,  who  were  engaged  in  celebrating  their  feasts ; 
these  were  the  Mobilians,  the  Thomex,  and  the  Naniabas.  They 
have  no  temple,  but  they  have  a  cabin  in  which  they  perform 
their  incantations  and  juggleries,  which  they  designate,  in  their 
language,  an  invocation  to  their  Great  Spirit. 

In  the  beginning  of  September,  they  celebrate  a  feast,  which 
has  a  considerable  resemblance  to  that  of  the  ancient  Lacede 
monians.  Upon  that  day,  they  whip  their  children  until  their 
backs  are  covered  with  blood.  The  whole  village  then  assem 
ble  in  their  public  square.  All  the  children,  male  and  female, 
are  compelled  to  be  present,  even  those  of  the  most  tender  age ; 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  gj 

and,  if  the  child  is  sick  and  unable  to  be  present,  the  mother  is  1702, 
whipped  in  its  stead.  When  this  ceremony  is  concluded,  they 
dance  all  night.  The  chiefs  and  old  men  then  deliver  an  exhor 
tation  to  those  whipped,  telling  them,  that  this  is  done  to  teach 
them  how  to  support  and  sustain  the  misfortunes  which  may 
happen  to  them,  should  they  fall  into  the  hands  of  their  enemies, 
and  to  learn  them  to  become  good  warriors,  and  to  utter  no  cry, 
nor  even  shed  a  tear  when  in  the  midst  of  the  fire  into  which 
they  may  be  cast. 

Our  five  Frenchmen,  after  having  witnessed  this  feast,  pur 
sued  their  route  with  the  ten  Allbamons  until  they  had  approached 
within  ten  leagues  of  their  village.  The  Indians  requested  the 
French  to  remain  there  until  they  had  notified  their  chief,  and 
that  they  would  return  on  the  morrow.  But,  whilst  they 
remained  there,  the  savages  came  stealthily  during  the  night, 
seized  their  arms,  and  killed  four  of  them.  The  fifth  escaped, 
threw  himself  into  the  river,  and,  while  swimming,  he  was 
wounded  in  the  shoulder  by  the  blow  of  a  hatchet.  After  some 
days  he  reached  the  fort,  having  bound  up  his  wound  with  the 
gum  exuding  from  the  pine  trees.  It  was  this  circumstance 
that  gave  rise  to  the  war  between  us  and  the  Alibamons,  which 
continued  seven  years. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE  immediately  notified  the  neighboring 
nations,  the  Mobiliam,  the  Tbomez,,  the  tribes  of  the  Forks,  the 
Choctaws,  and  others,  of  this  treacherous  affair,  who  came  to 
join  us  to  the  number  of  eighteen  hundred  warriors.  On  our 
side,  we  had  seventy  Frenchmen  fit  to  bear  arms.  Our  officers 

were  M.   M.  DE   BIENVILLE,  ST.  DENIS,  and    DE  TONTY,  an 

1 1 


82  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1702.  ancient  captain  from  Canada.  The  Mobillam  served  us  as 
guides.  It  was  in  the  beginning  of  September  that  we  all  set 
out  together  on  the  march  against  the  Alibamons,  but  the  greater 
portion  of  the  Indians  deserted  us  at  the  end  of  four  or  five 
days.  They  were  the  friends  and  allies  of  the  Allbamons* 
against  whom  they  were  leading  us  to  war. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  on  seeing  the  desertion  of  the  Indians, 
returned  to  our  fort,  and  ordered  the  construction  of  ten  canoes, 
which,  as  soon  as  completed,  we  received  orders  to  embark  in 
them,  both  officers  and  men,  placing  himself  at  the  head  of  the 
expedition.  We  took  our  departure,  secretly,  at  night,  in  order 
to  conceal  our  numbers  from  the  Indians.  At  the  end  of  a  few 
days'  journey,  we  arrived  ten  leagues  from  the  village  of  the 
Alibamons,  near  the  spot  where  our  four  Frenchmen  had  been 
killed.  We  saw  their  fires  upon  the  river,  and,  at  about  double 
musket-shot  distance  from  this  fire,  were  fourteen  canoes, 
manned  by  the  Alibamom,  who  were  out  hunting  with  their 
families.  Towards  evening,  we  ascended  the  river,  and  landed 
on  the  opposite  side.  When  their  fires  were  extinguished,  and 
they  were  asleep,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  made  us  advance  into  the 
woods  by  a  very  bad  road,  keeping  up  a  steady  fire.  But  we 
could  not  see  where  to  direct  our  aim.  I  do  not  know  that  we 
killed  any  of  them.  We  remained  masters  of  their  cabins  until 
day-break,  when  we  set  fire  to  them,  after  taking  whatever  mer 
chandize  we  found  there,  which,  together  with  their  canoes,  we 


*  MITKRIDATES,  Vol.  in,  pp.  292—305  ;  BALERS  "  Atlas  Ethnographiquc,"  Tab.  41, 
No.  789.  The  Mobilians  occupied  the  territory  near  the  mouth  of  Mobile  River, 
and  north  of  the  Afalachlans.  DE  SOTO  found  them  a  formidable  enemy. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  83 

brought  to  our  fort  at  Mobile,  where,  upon  our  return,  we  found  1702, 
a  chief  of  the  Ckickasaws^  who  was  waiting  for  M.  DE  BIEN- 
VILLE,  to  obtain  from  him  a  French  lad,  whom  he  desired  to 
take  with  him  to  his  village,  to  instruct  in  the  language  of 
his  nation.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  gave  him  little  ST.  MICHEL, 
aged  fourteen  years,  a  son  of  M.  ST.  MICHEL,  captain  of  the 
port  of  Rockefort.  He  took  this  boy  with  him  to  the  nation, 
together  with  the  presents  made  to  him. 

A  short  time  after  the  return  of  M.  ST.  DENIS  to  the  fort 
established  on  the  Mississippi,  he  sent  word  to  M.  DE  BIEN 
VILLE  that  the  Bayagoulas  had  been  defeated  in  battle  by  the 
Tensas,  who  had  burned  their  villages,  and  that  such  of  the 
Bayagoulas  as  had  escaped  the  disaster,  had  taken  refuge  near  his 
fort,  where  he  had  given  them  a  place  for  the  purpose  of  erect 
ing  their  cabins. 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     V. 


I7°3t         IEHK^SS^K3I  N  January,   1703,  M.  JUCHEREAU  DE  ST. 

DENIS*  transmitted  a  letter  to  his  cousin, 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  in  which  he  informed 
him,  that  M.  DE  ST.  COME,  a  mission 
ary  priest,  on  his  way  from  Canada,  with 

three  Frenchmen,  had  stopped  at  Natchez  to  visit  that  establish 
ment,  and,  in  descending  the  river,  they  landed  for  the  night; 
and,  whilst  encamped,  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  eighty  Cheti- 
macbas  Indians,  who  had  come  to  the  Bayagoulas  village  to  make 
war  upon  them,  but,  becoming  enraged  at  not  finding  them, 
they  fell  upon  M.  DE  ST.  COME  and  his  three  companions  whilst 


*  M.  JUCHEREAU  DE  ST.  DENIS,  a  native  of  Canada,  was  the  uncle  of  Madame 
D'IBERVILLE,  and  came  to  Louisiana  in  the  frigate  Renommee  commanded  by  M. 
D'IBERVILLE  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1700.  He  passed  several  years  in  making 
expeditions  up  and  down  the  Mississippi^  and  very  quickly  acquired  a  general  knowl 
edge  of  several  Indian  languages,  so  as  to  be  acknowledged  their  grand  chief 5  and, 
being  a  gentleman  of  education,  courage,  and  prudence,  he  was  employed  in  several 
expeditions  to  Mexico,  and  in  making  with  that  government  a  treaty  of  commerce. 
He  afterwards  returned  to  Louisiana,  and  was  employed  by  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  in  con 
ducting  several  expeditions  against  the  Indians.  He  returned  to  Mobile  in  1719,  and 
conducted  an  expedition  against  Pensacola,  for  which  he  was  knighted.  On  the 
retirement  of  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  France,  in  1726,  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  returned  to 
Montreal  (Canada),  where  he  died. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  85 

they  were  asleep,  and  assassinated  them,  and,  that  a  small  slave,       1703 
who    was  with    them,   had   escaped,  and  given  him  information 
of  the   event.      M.    DE    ST.    DENIS    added,   that   the   death    of 
those  Frenchmen  must  be  avenged. 

In  reply,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  ordered  him  to  come  immediately 
to  Mobile,  and  hold  a  council  of  war  upon  the  subject.  It  was 
also  resolved  to  notify  the  neighboring  nations,  the  Oumas, 
Chaouachas,*  and  Bayagoulas^  who  were  living  around  the  French 
settlement  on  the  Mississippi,  to  meet  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS.  A 
few  days  after,  he  assembled  two  hundred  Indian  warriors,  to 
whom  he  added  ten  Frenchmen,  and  twenty  canoes,  with  provi 
sions  and  ammunition.  This  party  went  up  the  Mississippi  to 
the  entrance  of  the  Chetimachas  River  (Bayou  Lafourche),  and, 
during  the  night,  arrived  within  three  leagues  of  their  village. 
The  Cbaouacbas,  who  acted  as  guides,  and  were  well  acquainted 
with  the  country,  made  us  keep  concealed  in  this  place  during 
the  day;  and,  when  night  approached,  he  sent  two  Indians  and 
a  Frenchman  to  reconnoitre  their  village.  They  returned  to 
camp  about  midnight,  and  reported  they  had  discovered  it  upon 
the  borders  of  a  lake,  filled  with  Chetimackas,  who  had  collected 
there,  for  the  purpose  of  fishing.  We  took  up  our  march  in 
silence,  and,  arriving  near  their  cabins,  laid  down  flat  on  our 
faces  until  day-break.  At  daylight,  we  gave  the  war-whoop  (le 
cri  de  mort),  which  greatly  astonished  them,  who,  in  endeavoring 
to  find  out  the  cause  of  their  alarm,  was  fired  upon  by  us,  and 


*  The  Chaouachas  (Tchaouachas)  and  Ouachas  lived  on  the  west  side  of  the  Missis 
sippi,  below  the  English  Turn-^  and  the  Baya-Ogoulas  above  the  fork,  on  the  west  side, 
twenty-five  leagues  above  New  Orleans. 


86  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

703.  fifteen  of  their  number  killed.  We  also  captured  about  forty 
prisoners,  men,  women,  and  children.  Among  the  prisoners 
was  one  we  recognized  as  one  of  the  murderers  of  M.  DE  ST. 
COME  and  his  companions,  whom  we  ironed,  and  brought  to 
Mobile.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  ordered  him  to  be  placed  upon  a 
wooden  horse,  and  his  brains  beaten  out  with  clubs.  His  scalp 
was  cut  off,  and  his  body  thrown  into  the  river.  He  after 
wards  sent  notice  to  all  the  nations  who  were  in  alliance  with 
us,  to  make  war  upon  the  Chetimackas.  Twenty  chiefs  of  the 
Chlckasaw  (TTchikasas)  nation  came  to  the  fort  to  confer  with 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE  upon  making  peace  with  the  Choctaws  (Tcbac- 
tas),  with  whom  they  had  been  for  a  long  time  at  war.  They 
were  obliged  to  make  a  wide  circuit  to  the  fort,  so  as  to  avoid 
meeting  the  Choctaws.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  consented  to  mediate 
for  them,  and  sent  M.  DE  BOISBRIANT,  with  twenty-five  men 
as  a  guard,  to  the  Choctaw  nation,  who,  after  a  few  days  con 
sideration,  agreed  to  make  peace,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
promised  to  become  the  friends  of  the  French.  Escorted  by 
the  Choctaws,  M.  DE  BOISBRIANT  returned  to  Mobile,  satisfied 
that  he  had  secured  the  friendship  of  one  of  the  most  powerful 
Indian  nations  of  the  South.*  About  the  same  time,  M.  DE 

*  The  Chickasaws  and  Choctaius,  according  to  tradition,  were  driven  out  of  Mexico, 
and  finally  settled  in  the  wilderness  east  of  the  Mississippi  river.  The  Chicka- 
saius  claimed  all  of  the  territory  within  the  present  States  of  Tennessee  and  Kentucky, 
and  were  among  the  most  cruel  and  haughty  among  the  Southern  Indians.  They 
exercised  an  unwonted  influence  over  the  CAoctaius,  Natchez,  and  other  tribes.  They 
numbered  about  forty  villages,  and  were  the  constant  terror  of  the  French  voyageurs 
upon  the  Tennessee  and  Mississippi  rivers.  They  defeated  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO, 
D'ARTAGUETTE,  and  DE  BIENVILLE,  in  several  pitched  battles. 

The   Chocktaws,  at   the   time  the   French  visited  Louisiana,  were  still  a  powerful 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


gy 


BIENVILLE  sent  messsengers  to  the  river  Madeline  (Bayou  Teche], 
to  find  out  what  nations  inhabited  that  part  of  Louisiana.  They 
returned,  and  reported  they  had  found  seven  different  nations, 
among  whom  was  one  called  the  Attakapas,  or  man-eaters. 
On  the  2id  of  February,  M.  DE  BECQUANCOURT  arrived  from 
Vera  Cruz  with  provisions,  and  reported  that  M.  D'ALBU- 
QUERQUE,  Viceroy  of  Mexico,  had  received  orders  from  the 
King  of  Spain  to  permit  the  French  to  enter  his  ports  to  pur 
chase  provisions.  On  the  I5th  of  August,  the  Chevalier  DE 
PERROT  arrived  at  Mobile^  with  provisions  for  the  garrison,  and 
seventeen  passengers,  among  whom  was  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUAY, 
the  brother  of  M.  DE  BIENVILLE.  On  the  22d  of  December, 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE  set  out  from  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile  with 
several  hundred  men  and  Indians,  to  punish  the  Alibamons,  who 
had  murdered  three  Frenchmen. 


nation,  numbering,  probably,  fifteen  or  twenty  thousand  warriors.  They  successively 
exterminated  the  Chochumas,  Tasous,  Tunicas,  and  several  smaller  tribes.  They  had 
some  idea  of  a  supreme  being,  but  the  French  missionaries  never  succeeded  in  convert 
ing  them  to  Christianity.  These  once  powerful  and  warlike  nations  have  now  almost 
disappeared  from  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  Tennessee,  and  Louisiana,  having  sold  out 
their  extensive  territories,  and  emigrated  to  the  Indian  territory  west  of  the  Arkansas, 
where  they  are  rapidly  advancing  in  the  arts  of  civilization.  The  Choctaivs,  west  of 
Arkansas,  now  number  (1868)  about  sixteen  thousand,  and  the  Chickasaius  about  six 
thousand,  men.  They  have  a  republican  constitution,  a  legislature,  a  judicial  system, 
school-houses  and  churches,  and  have  already  produced  great  orators.  There  is 
a  close  affinity  between  the  Chickasaivs  and  Choctaws  in  their  physical  appearance, 
their  language,  traditions,  and  laws. 

The  Rev.  CYRUS  BYINGTON  wrote,  some  years  ago,  a  grammar  of  the  Choctaiv  lan 
guage  ;  B.  SMITH  BARTON,  a  comparative  vocabulary  of  the  Chiekasaiot  Conchac,  and 
Mobilian  languages;  A.  GALLATIN,  a  synopsis  of  fifty-three  Indian  languages,  published 
in  the  second  volume  of  "  Archaeologia  Americana  5"  A.  WRIGHT,  a  Choctaiu  vocabu 
lary ;  and  B.  HAWKINS,  a  vocabulary  of  the  Chickasacw^  Creek,  Cherokee,  and  Choctaiu 
languages,  now  in  manuscript,  and  deposited  in  the  library  of  the  American  Philoso 
phical  Society,  Philadelphia. 


88  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

I7°3-  At  the  expiration  of  ten  days,  we   set  out  on  our  journey  to 

the  Oumas  (Houmas),  thirty  leagues  from  Baton  Rouge,  where 
we  met  with  a  welcome  reception  ;  and,  from  the  Oumas  we 
paid  a  visit  to  the  Natchez,  one  of  the  most  polite  and  affable 
nations  on  the  Mississippi.  We  reached  there  in  three  days 
from  the  Oumas,  and  were  received  with  every  possible  manifes 
tation  of  friendship  and  pleasure.  Both  the  young  and  old  made 
it  an  occasion  for  feasting  and  dancing. 

The  Natchez  inhabit  one  of  the  most  beautiful  countries  in 
Louisiana.  It  lies  about  a  league  back  from  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi,  and  is  embellished  with  magnificent  natural  scenery, 
traversed  with  hills,  covered  with  a  splendid  growth  of  odorifer 
ous  trees  and  plants,  and  watered  with  cool  and  limpid  streams. 
After  irrigating  the  plains,  they  unite  in  two  branches,  which 
encircle  the  villages,*  and,  finally,  form  a  small  river  (St.  Cath 
erine),  which  flows  over  a  gravelly  bottom  ;  and,  after  meander 
ing  two  leagues  through  a  beautiful  and  undulating  country,  falls 
into  the  Mississippi.  One  of  the  French  missionaries,  Father 
FRANCOIS  JOLIET  DE  MONTIGNY,  visited  the  Natchez,  to  teach 
them  the  Catholic  religion;  but,  being  unable  to  make  any 
converts,  he  afterwards  returned  to  Quebec. 

All  the  pleasures  of  refined  society  are  observed  by  the  great 
nobles.  They  have  none  of  the  rude  manners  of  the  surround 
ing  nations,  and  possess  all  the  comforts  of  life.  This  nation 
is  composed  of  thirty  villages,  but  the  one  we  visited  was  the 


*  Terre  Blanche,  or  the  great  white  apple  village,  was  situated  about  one  league 
from  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  on  what  is  called  Second  Creek,  and  where  the 
Great  Chief,  beneath  bowers  rivalling  those  of  Arcadia,  held  his  councils  with  the 
surrounding  nations,  and  built  a  fort,  defended  by  parapets  and  ditches. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


89 


largest,  because  it  contained  the  dwelling  of  the  Great  Chief \ 
whom  they  called  the  Sun^  which  means  noble.  The  men  and 
women  are  well  made,  and  appropriately  clothed.  The  women — 
among  whom  are  many  very  beautiful — dress  in  white  linen 
robes,  which  extend  from  their  shoulders  to  their  ankles,  sim 
ilar  in  make  to  the  Adrienne,  worn  by  French  ladies.  They 
manufacture  it  from  a  species  of  plant,*  and  from  the  inner 
bark  of  the  young  mulberry  tree,  after  the  following  manner  : 
They  place  the  bark  in  water,  and  let  it  soak  during  the  space  of 
eight  days,  after  which  they  dry  it  well  in  the  sun,  and  then 
beat  it  until  it  is  reduced  to  flax;  they  afterwards  wash  it  three 
or  four  times  in  lye-water,  until  it  becomes  perfectly  white. 
Finally,  it  is  spun  and  wove  ingeniously  into  cloth,  and  manu 
factured  into  clothing. 

The  men  clothe  themselves  in  deer-skins,  from  which  they 
make  a  kind  of  skirt,  or  jacket,  descending  to  their  knees, 
and  from  thence  to  their  ankles  ;  they  wear  leggings.  Their 
language  is  softer  and  better  modulated  than  their  neighbors. 
The  dress  of  the  girls  is  different  from  that  of  the  women,  for 
they  are  only  clad  with  a  species  of  skirt,  fastened  around  the 
waist,  after  the  manner  of  our  French  women,  who  only  wear 
petticoats.  The  skirts  worn  by  the  girls  are  sewed  with  fine,  white 

*  Probably  the  acnida  cannabina  (wild  hemp),  or  the  linum  "virginianum  (wild 
flax),  which  grow  luxuriantly  in  Mississippi,  from  which  they  spun  their  thread.  They 
wove  sashes,  belts,  garters,  and  shot-pouches,  decorated  with  beautiful  stripes  and 
checker-work.  Some  of  their  manufactures  were  made  in  large  pieces,  on  which 
they  would  ingeniously  paint,  or  interweave,  figures  of  birds,  animals,  and  plants,  and 
ornament  the  borders  with  the  feathers  of  the  paroquets  and  flamingoes,  showing 
their  descent  from  the  Mexican  {Aztec}  race. 

12 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 
t 


1704.  thread,  and  only  cover  their  nakedness  from  their  waist  down 
to  their  knees.  They  are  fastened  with  two  strings,  with  tassels 
at  the  end  of  each.  The  front  is  ornamented  with  fringe. 
This  garment  is  worn  by  the  girls  until  the  period  of  nubility, 
when  they  assume  the  women's  garment.  They  are  very 
courteous  and  obliging,  and  fond  of  the  French.  It  was  really 
charming  to  us  to  behold  them  dancing  at  their  feasts,  arrayed 
in  their  beautiful  and  highly  ornamented  skirts,  and  the  women 
in  their  neat,  white  robes.  Their  heads  are  enveloped  in 
long,  black  hair,  which  fall  gracefully  around  to  their  waists, 
and,  in  many  instances,  down  to  their  ankles. 

Their  dances  are  very  graceful.  The  men  dance  with  the 
women,  and  the  girls  with  the  boys.  The  quadrilles  are  always 
composed  of  twenty  or  thirty  persons,  with  an  equal  number  of 
boys  and  girls.  It  is  not  permitted  to  a  married  man  to  dance 
with  a  girl,  nor  a  boy  with  a  married  woman.  After  having 
lighted  two  large  torches,  cut  from  some  old  pine  tree,  one  is 
placed  near  the  cabin  of  the  chief,  and  the  other  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  great  square,  when,  towards  sun-down,  the  master 
of  ceremonies  enters,  followed  by  thirty  couple,  in  regular  order, 
who  commence  the  dance  at  the  tap  of  the  drum,  and  the  sound 
of  the  voices  of  the  spectators.  Each  dances,  in  turn,  until 
midnight,  when  the  married  men  and  women  retire,  and  give 
place  to  the  young  people,  who  keep  up  the  dance  until  morn 
ing.  This  dance  has  a  considerable  resemblance  to  our  French 
cotillion,  with  this  difference,  that,  when  a  youth  has  danced 
with  the  girl  at  his  side,  he  is  permitted  to  conduct  her  without 
the  village,  into  one  of  the  groves  on  the  prairie,  where  he 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  QJ 

whispers   sweet  tales  of  love,  till  each  grow  wearied,  they  then       1704, 
return  to  the  village,  and  continue  dancing  until  daylight. 

When  an  agreement  is  entered  into  between  two  young  people, 
they  go  together  into  the  woods,  and,  while  the  young  man  is 
hunting,  the  young  woman  constructs  a  cabin  from  the  boughs 
and  limbs  of  trees  and  foliage,  and  kindles  a  fire  close  by.  If 
the  young  man  has  killed,  in  the  chase,  a  buffalo,  or  deer,  he 
brings  one  quarter  to  the  cabin,  and  afterward  they  live  together 
for  the  remainder  of  life.  They  roast  a  piece,  which  they 
eat  for  supper,  and,  upon  the  morrow,  carry  the  rest  to  the 
house  of  the  girl's  father  and  mother  in  the  village,  notifying 
them  of  their  intention,  and,  at  the  same  time,  dividing  with  * 
them  their  game.  After  they  dine  together,  the  husband  takes 
his  wife  to  his  own  cabin,  and,  from  that  time,  she  is  prohibited 
from  mingling  in  the  dance  with  the  boys  and  girls,  or  having 
intercourse  with  any  other  than  her  husband.  She  is  obliged 
to  work  within  doors,  and  her  husband  may  repudiate  her  if  he 
thinks  her  unfaithful,  unless  she  has  presented  him  with  a  child. 

The  Great  Chief  orders  the  feasts,  which  usually  continue 
eight  or  ten  days.  They  generally  take  place  when  the  chief 
is  in  want  of  any  provisions,  or  merchandize,  such  as  flour, 
bacon,  beans,  and  other  things,  which  are  brought  and  placed  at 
the  door  of  his  cabin,  upon  the  last  day  of  the  feast.  He  has 
jurisdiction  over  all  the  villages,  and  sends  his  orders  to 
them  by  two  messengers,  whom  he  calls  Oucbil-tichou.  The 
house  of  the  Great  Chief  is  of  great  extent,  and  can  hold  as 
many  as  four  thousand  persons,  over  whom  his  power  is  as 
absolute  as  a  king.  The  people  are  not  allowed  to  approach 


02  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1704.  him  too  closely,  and  must  not  address  him  nearer  than  four 
paces.  His  bed  is  on  the  right  side  of  his  cabin,  composed  of 
mats  of  very  fine  canes,  across  which  is  placed  a  bolster  of 
feathers.  The  skins  of  deer  are  used  for  covering  it  in  summer, 
and  those  of  the  bear  and  buffalo  in  winter.  His  wife  is  the 
only  person  who  has  the  right  to  eat  and  sleep  with  him. 

When  he  arises  from  his  bed,  his  relatives  approach,  and,  with 
uplifted  arms,  utter  frightful  cries;  but  he  does  not  even  deign 
to  notice  them.  The  Great  Chief  of  a  noble  family  can  only 
marry  with  a  woman  of  plebeian  race ;  but  the  children  born  of 
this  union,  whether  boys  or  girls,  are  noble. 

It  happened,  during  our  visit,  that  the  Great  Female  Sun  died, 
and  we  were  witnesses  of  her  funeral  obsequies,  which  were  of 
the  most  tragical  character  that  can  be  imagined.  She  was  the 
Great  Sun  in  her  own  right,  and,  being  dead,  her  husband,  who 
was  not  of  the  noble  family,  was  strangled  by  her  eldest  son,  so 
that  he  might  bear  her  company  to  the  great  village  whither  she 
had  gone.  On  the  outside  of  the  cabin,  where  she  died,  they 
placed  all  her  effects,  on  a  sort  of  bier,  or  triumphal  car,  upon 
which  was  placed  her  body,  as  well  as  that  of  her  husband. 
Afterwards,  they  brought  and  placed  twelve  small  children  on 
it,  whom  they  had  strangled.  These  children  were  brought  by 
their  fathers  and  mothers,  by  the  order  of  the  eldest  son  of  the 
Great  Female  Sun,  who  had  the  right,  as  her  successor,  and,  as 
Great  Chief^  to  put  to  death  as  many  persons  as  he  pleased,  to 
honor  the  funeral  of  his  mother.  Fourteen  other  scaffolds  were 
afterwards  erected,  and  decorated  with  branches  of  trees,  and 
paintings  upon  pieces  of  linen.  On  each  scaffold  they  placed 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


93 


one  of  those  they  had  strangled,  to  accompany  the  deceased  to  I7°4- 
the  other  world,  and  these  were  surrounded  by  their  relatives, 
dressed  in  fine,  white  robes.  They  then  formed  a  procession, 
and  marched  to  the  great  square  in  front  of  the  Great  Temple, 
and  commenced  to  dance.  At  the  end  of  four  days,  they  began 
the  ceremony  of  the  march  of  death.  The  fathers  and  mothers 
of  the  strangled  children  holding  them  up  in  their  arms.  The 
eldest  of  these  unfortunate  children  did  not  appear  to  be  over 
three  years  of  age.  The  fourteen  other  victims  destined  to  be 
strangled,  were  also  marched  in  front  of  the  Great  Te?nple. 

The  chiefs  and  relatives  of  those  who  were  strangled,  with 
their  hair  cut  off,  began  their  frightful  howlings,  while  those  who 
were  destined  to  die,  kept  on  dancing  and  marching  around 
the  cabin  of  the  deceased,  two  by  two,  until  it  was  set  on 
fire.  The  fathers,  who  carried  their  strangled  children  in  their 
arms,  marched  four  paces  apart  from  each  other,  and,  at  the  dis 
tance  of  about  ten  paces,  threw  them  upon  the  ground  before 
the  Great  Temple,  and  commenced  dancing  around  them.  When 
they  deposited  the  body  of  the  Great  Female  Sun  in  the  tem 
ple,  the  fourteen  victims,  who  stood  before  the  door  of  the 
temple,  were  undressed,  and,  while  seated  on  the  ground,  a  cord, 
with  a  noose,  was  passed  around  the  necks  of  each,  and  a  deer 
skin  thrown  over  their  heads.  The  relatives  of  the  deceased 
then  stood  to  the  right  and  left  of  each  victim,  taking  hold  of  the 
ends  of  the  cord  around  their  necks,  and,  at  a  given  signal,  they 
pulled  it  until  their  victim  was  dead.*  The  bones  of  the 


*  This  custom  of  putting  persons  to  death  at  the  funeral  of  the  Great  Sun,  or  Chief, 
is  described  by  the  historian  of  DE  SOTO'S  expedition  in  Florida. 


Q4  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1704.  victims  who  had  been  strangled  were  afterwards  deprived  of 
their  flesh,  and,  when  dried,  were  put  into  baskets,  and  placed 
in  the  temple,  considering  it  an  honor  and  special  privilege  to 
have  been  sacrificed,  and  placed  there  with  the  Great  Female 
Sun.  This  barbarous  custom  of  sacrificing  their  children  to  the 
Suns  was  kept  up,  in  spite  of  the  efforts  of  the  French  mission 
aries  to  put  a  stop  to  it,  except  that  they  afterwards  obtained 
their  consent  to  have  them  baptized  before  they  were  strangled. 

The  female  posterity  of  the  Suns  always  enjoy  the  privileges 
of  their  rank.  The  male  and  female  of  the  Suns  (nobility)  never 
intermarry.  Their  nobility  is  different  from  that  in  Europe;  for, 
with  us,  in  France,  the  more  ancient  it  is,  the  more  respect  it 
commands  ;  but  here  it  ceases  at  the  seventh  generation.  They 
make  it  hereditary  only  in  the  female  line.  Their  form  of 
government  is  despotic.  The  whole  nation  is  divided  into 
nobles  and  common  people,  called  stinkards  (micb'e-mich'e  quipy]. 
They  each  have  a  language  peculiar  to  themselves — that  of  the. 
nobles  being  much  purer  and  more  copious.*  The  Great  Sun  is 
absolute  master  of  the  lives  and  property  of  the  whole  nation. 
The  houses  of  the  Suns  are  built  upon  mounds,  and  are  distin 
guished  from  each  other  by  their  size.  The  mound  upon 
which  the  house  of  the  Great  Chief,  or  Sun,  is  built,  is  larger 
than  the  rest,  and  the  sides  of  it  steeper. f 


*  There  is  no  vocabulary  of  this  remarkable  people  in  existence,  and  not  more  than 
a  dozen  words  have  been  noted  by  European  visitors  in  their  accounts  of  them. 

f  The  Portuguese  GENTLEMAN  OF  ELVAS,  who  wrote  the  history  of  thee  xpedition 
of  DE  SOTO  in  Florida,  describes  the  houses  of  the  chiefs,  likewise  built  upon  mounds 
of  different  heights,  according  to  their  rank,  with  porticoes  to  their  doors,  and  their 
villages  fortified  with  palisades,  or  walls  of  earth,  with  gateways  td*  go  in  and  out.  See 
First  Series  of  the  "Historical  Collections  of-Louisiana,"  Vol.  n,  pp.  113-220. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  g$ 

The  temple  in  the  village  of  the  Great  Sun  is  about  thirty  IJO4- 
feet  high,  and  forty-eight  in  circumference,  with  the  walls 
eight  feet  thick,  and  covered  with  a  matting  of  canes,  in  which 
they  keep  up  a  perpetual  fire.  The  wood  used  is  of  oak,  or 
hickory,  stripped  of  its  bark,  and  eight  feet  in  length.  Guards  are 
appointed,  alternately,  to  watch  the  temple,  and  keep  up  the 
sacred  fire  ;  and  if,  by  accident,  the  fire  should  go  out,  they 
break  the  heads  of  the  guards  with  the  wooden  clubs  they  keep  in 
the  temple.  At  each  new  moon,  an  offering  of  bread  and  flour 
is  made,  which  is  for  the  use  of  those  who  guard  it.  Every 
morning  and  evening,  the  Great  Sun  and  his  wife  enter  it,  to 
worship  their  idols  of  wood  and  stone. 

The  time  allowed  us  by  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  return  to  the 
fort  having  now  expired,  we  thanked  the  Natchez  for  their  kind 
treatment,  and  bade  them  farewell.  They  filled  our  canoes  with 
an  abundance  of  provisions  for  our  voyage  down  the  river,  and 
begged  us  to  return  again  as  soon  as  we  could.  The  first  day 
after  our  departure  from  their  beautiful  country,  we  encamped  at 
Baton  Rouge.  We  stopped,  occasionally,  to  pay  visits  to  the 
nations,  and  reached  the  fort  in  the  beginning  of  May,  where  we 
found  the  ship  Pelican,  of  fifty  guns,  commanded  by  M.  Du- 
COUDRAY  DE  GuiMONT,  with  provisions  for  the  colony,  which 
had  arrived  some  days  before  from  France.  He  also  brought 
M.  DE  LA  VENTE,  a  missionary,  four  priests,  two  grey  nuns, 
and  twenty-three  girls,  the  first  that  had  come  to  Louisiana. 
They  were  very  modest  and  virtuous,  and  soon  found  husbands. 
They  were  under  the  care  of  a  priest,  named  Father  HUET,  who 
remained  in  Lousiana  to  instruct  the  Indians  in  the  Catholic 


96  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1704.  faith.  A  great  deal  of  sickness  prevailed  during  the  summer  in 
the  colony,  and  M.  DUCOUDRAY  having  lost  a  number  of  his 
men,  was  compelled  to  select  thirty  men  from  the  colonists  to 
navigate  his  ship  back  to  France,  with  dispatches  for  the  French 
Government. 

On  the  2yth  of  October,  1704,  a  sailing  boat  arrived  from 
Pensacola,  with  news  from  the  Spaniards,  that  a  great  fire  had 
destroyed  part  of  the  town,  with  a  request  that  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
would  send  a  vessel  to  Vera  Cruz,  to  inform  the  Viceroy  of 
it.  On  the  nth  of  December,  a  French  brig  arrived  at  Mobile, 
with  dispatches  from  Havana,  informing  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  that 
an  English  armament  was  fitting  out  in  Carolina  to  attack 
Mobile,  and  the  settlement  on  the  Mississippi.  About  the  same 
time,  a  deputation  arrived  from  the  Tonica  (Tunica)  nation,  to 
solicit  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  intercede  with  Father  DAVION,  the 
missionary,  to  return  to  their  village,  which  he  had  left  on 
account  of  the  death  of  Father  FOUCAULT,  who  was  massacred 
by  the  Coroas,  a  savage  and  cruel  tribe,  that  lived  near  the 
Tasous.  A  few  days  after,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  wrote  to  M.  DE 
ST.  DENIS  to  abandon  the  fort  on  the  Mississippi,  and  send  all 
the  munitions  of  war  and  merchandize  to  the  fort  at  Mobile. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


97 


CHAPTER     VI. 


N  the  2ist  of  January,  1705,  M.  DE  1705. 
CHATEAUGUE  set  sail,  with  dispatches 
to  Vera  Crux,  for  the  Viceroy  of  Mex 
ico;  and,  on  the  ist  of  February,  a  mes 
senger  arrived  at  the  fort,  to  inform 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE  that  the  Chickasaws 
had  sold  to  the  English,  in  slavery,*  several  Choctaw  families, 
who  had  come  to  visit  them  ;  and  that  this  treachery  had 
caused  a  rupture  between  the  two  nations. 

On  the  igth  of  October,  a  ship  arrived  from  Havana,  and 
reported  that  M.  D'!BERVILLE  had  sailed  from  France,  to  make 
an  attack  on  Jamaica,  and  subsequently  sailed  from  one  of  the 
West  India  Islands,  to  make  an  attack  on  Charleston,  in  Caro 
lina,  and  had  died  at  sea  of  yellow  fever.  This  melancholy 
news  fell  like  a  dark  cloud  over  the  colony,  and  destroyed,  for 
awhile,  all  their  hopes  of  receiving  any  further  assistance  from 
France,  until  a  treaty  of  peace  should  be  negotiated  in  Europe. 


*  The  English  traders  of  Carolina  had  not  only  carried  on  a  traffic  in  Indians 
with  the  Southern  tribes,  for  a  number  of  years,  to  work  their  plantations,  but  had  also 
imported  slaves  from  Africa. 

'3 


gg  HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 

1706.  On  the  7th  of  January,   1706,   Don  Senor  GUZMAN,  Gov 


ernor  of  Pensacola,  came  to  pay  a  visit  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  at 
the  fort,  where  he  remained  four  days,  during  which  time  he 
was  feasted  by  the  French ;  and,  on  his  return  to  Pensacola,  he 
ordered  his  aid-de-camp  to  distribute  among  the  soldiers  of  the 
garrison  a  thousand  dollars  in  presents,  and  requested  M.  DE 
BIENVILLE,  as  a  favor,  to  set  at  liberty  all  the  prisoners.  About 
the  same  time,  M.  BERGIER,  Grand  Vicar  of  Quebec,  arrived, 
and  reported  that  M.  ST.  COME,  missionary,  had  been  killed 
by  the  Chetimackas.  In  the  beginning  of  March,  the  Pascagoulas 
declared  war  against  the  Ouachas,  and,  shortly  after,  all  the 
Indian  tribes  assembled  at  the  fort  to  make  war  upon  the  Cheti 
mackas  for  their  cruelty  and  treachery. 

1707.  1°  February,  1707,  M.  DE  NOYANT,  uncle  of  M.  DE  BIEN 

VILLE,  and  commander  of  the  frigate  Eagle,  arrived  at  Mobile, 
with  dispatches,  and  also  provisions  for  the  garrison.  This  arrival 
was  very  timely,  as  every  one  had  been  living  on  the  products 
of  their  hunting.  He  also  brought  with  him  two  priests,  M.  DE 
LA  VENTE  and  M.  DE  LA  CHAISE,  ancient  Vicar  of  St.  Jacques 
de  la  Eoncherie,  of  Paris,  and  also  a  number  of  families  for  the 
concessions.  On  the  24th  of  November,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
received  news  that  Pensacola  was  invested  by  the  English  and 
Indians.  He  immediately  set  out  with  one  hundred  troops  and 
four  hundred  Indians  for  Pensacola,  and  arrived  there  on  the 
8th  of  December;  he  found  the  seige  raised,  and  the  English  and 
Indians  had  retreated.  He  returned  to  Mobile  on  the  iQth, 
and  gave  permission  to  several  families  to  reside  on  Dauphin e 
Island,  where  they  built  residences,  and  cultivated  garden  vege- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


99 


tables,    which    was  a  great  convenience  to  ships    arriving  here 
from  France. 

On  the  25th  of  February,  1708,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  received  1708 
dispatches  from  France,  stating  that  he  was  superseded  by  M. 
DE  MUYS,  as  Governor,  and  that  M.  DIRON  D'ARTAGUETTE 
had  been  appointed  Intendant  Commissary  of  the  colony,  to  suc 
ceed  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  ;  but,  this  news  had  hardly  reached  him, 
when  he  heard  of  the  death  of  M.  DE  MUYS,  who  had  died  in 
Havana,  on  his  voyage  to  Louisiana.*  On  the  arrival  of  M. 
D'ARTAGUETTE  at  Mobile,  in  the  Renomm'ee,  he  reviewed  the 
soldiers  and  officers  of  the  garrison,  and  asked  them  if  they 
were  satisfied  with  the  country,  to  which  they  replied  they 
were  highly  pleased  with  it,  and  assured  him  the  soil  and  climate 
was  admirably  adapted  to  agriculture,  but  that  there  were  not 
enough  of  horses  in  the  colony  to  work  the  plantations,  when 
M.  D'ARTAGUETTE  promised  to  order  more  to  be  sent  from 
France.  This  vessel  sailed  again  early  in  April.  Afterwards, 
M.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  and  D'ARTAGUETTE  took  with  them  six 
teen  men  in  a  long-boat,  to  visit  Lake  Pontcbartrain  and  the 
Mississippi.  They  stopped  at  Biloxi  to  visit  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS, 
who  gave  them  a  cordial  reception.  They  afterwards  proceeded 
to  the  Mississippi  river,  which  they  ascended,  as  far  as  the 
Cannes  Brusl'es  (Burnt  Canes),  to  visit  the  concession  made  to 
the  Marquis  D'ARTAGUETTE.  They  found  the  borders  of  the 


*  At  this  dark  period  of  the  colony,  it  consisted  of  only  fourteen  officers,  of  different 
grades,  seventy-six  soldiers,  thirteen  sailors,  three  priests,  six  mechanics,  one  Indian 
interpreter,  twenty-four  laborers,  twenty-eight  women,  twenty-five  children,  and 
eighty  Indian  slaves  ;  the  rest  had  been  cut  off  by  yellow  fever. 


jOQ  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1708.  river  very  agreeable,  and  made  frequent  landings,  for  the  pur 
pose  of  exploring  the  country.  They  also  found  the  soil  every 
where  good,  and  extremely  fertile.  Having  arrived  at  a  place 
called  le  Pointe  aux  Cbenes  (Live-Oak  Point],  they  made  a  great 
hunt  for  deer  and  ducks.  On  their  return  to  Mobile,  they  were 
informed  that  the  Canadian  French,  living  among  the  Illinois, 
at  Cascaskias,  were  exciting  them  to  war  against  the  neighbor 
ing  tribes,  and  had  made  several  prisoners,  whom  they  sold  to 
the  English.  Upon  this  information,  M.  M.  D'ARTAGUETTE 
and  DE  BIENVILLE  dispatched  M.  D'ERAQUE,  and  six  men  in 
a  canoe,  with  letters  to  the  Jesuit  fathers,  and  presents  to  the 
Indian  tribes,  whom  they  advised  to  make  peace  among  them 
selves.  When  M.  D'ERAQUE  had  delivered  his  letters,  he  gave 
orders  to  the  Canadians  to  cease  their  hostilities  against  the  In 
dians,  and  not  to  excite  them  against  each  other.  He  afterwards 
addressed  the  Indians,  and  advised  them  to  live  in  harmony  with 
each  other,  at  the  same  time  making  them  presents.  He  then 
ascended  the  river  as  far  up  as  the  village  of  the  Illinoise-Couquias 
(Cabokias),  to  whom  he  also  made  presents,  recommending 
peace,  and,  at  the  same  time,  forbid  the  PVench  settlers  to  go 
among  them.  He  then  returned  among  the  Jesuits  and  foreign 
missionaries,  and  informed  them  of  the  intention  of  M.  M.  DE 
BIENVILLE  and  D'ARTAGUETTE  to  visit  them  with  the  severest 
chastisement  should  the  like  occur  again.  From  this  place,  he 
went  up  the  Missouri  River,  and  exhorted  the  nations  dwelling 
upon  its  banks  to  abstain  from  war,  and,  after  distributing  the 
usual  presents  among  them,  he  returned  to  Mobile. 

About  this  time,  two  Mobilians^  who  had   married  in  the  Ali- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  IOI 

bamon  nation,  and  who  lived  among  them  with  their  frimiKesV  '  ^708, 
discovered  that  that  nation  was  inimical  to  the  Mobilians^  as 
well  as  the  French,  and  had  made  a  league  with  the  Ckeraquis 
(Cherokee*),*  the  Abeikas,  and  the  Conchaques,  to  wage  war 
against  the  French  and  Moblllans,  and  burn  their  villages  around 
our  fort.  On  receiving  this  information,  M.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
and  D'ARTAGUETTE  immediately  set  out  at  the  head  of  a  strong 
detachment,  to  attack  them.  They  marched  four  Hays  without 
seeing  them,  and,  falling  short  of  provisions,  returned  to  the 
fort.  Six  weeks  later,  when  our  vigilance  had  considerably 

*  In  the  early  settlement  of  Louisiana,  the  Cherokees,  then  a  powerful  nation,  lived 
to  the  south  and  west  of  the  Tennessee,  called  by  them  the  Cherokee  River,  and  extend 
ing  from  the  head  branches  of  the  Tombigby  to  above  the  Hiwassee,  east  and  south  of 
the  Estunary,  and  were  divided  into  Ottare  (Mountain  Cherokee},  and  Ayr  ate  (Cherokees 
of  the  Valley}.  They  were  the  neighbors  of  the  Abeikas  and  Conchayues. 

The  native  land  of  the  Cherokee  was  the  most  inviting  and  beautiful  section  of  the 
United  States,  in  regard  to  climate  and  productions.  In  the  map  of  DE  LISLE,  1712, 
appended  to  the  second  volume,  First  Series,  "  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  the 
Tennessee  River  is  called  the  Cheraquh,  In  like  manner,  the  name  of  this  nation  also 
designated  the  mountains  near  them.  The  Currahee  is  only  a  corruption  of  Cherokee, 
and,  in  the  maps  and  treaties  where  it  is  thus  called,  it  means  the  mountains  of  the 
Cherokees.  Of  the  martial  spirit  of  this  nation,  there  is  abundant  evidence  to  be  found 
in  the  early  history  of  the  United  States.  They  were  constantly  at  war  with  the 
frontier  tribes,  and  with  the  French  and  English,  who  were  all  the  time  encroaching 
upon  their  territory.  Bat,  since  their  removal  to  the  Indian  territory  west  of  the 
Arkansas,  they  are  becoming  more  peaceful  and  civilized,  and  have  made  considerable 
progress  in  literature  and  the  useful  arts.  They  have  invented  an  alphabet,  and  print 
papers  and  books.  They  have  schools  and  colleges,  and  a  constitutional  government, 
laws,  and  courts.  They  raise  wheat,  corn,  cotton,  and  indigo,  and  manufacture  cotton 
and  woolen  goods.  They  have  large  stocks  of  horses,  mules,  black  cattle,  swine,  and 
sheep,  which  they  carry  on  a  considerable  trade  with  the  adjoining  States.  A  great 
part  of  the  nation  have  adopted  our  mode  of  dress.  The  progress  of  their  children  in 
their  schools  and  colleges  has  been  as  great  as  any  other  children — acquiring  the 
knowledge  of  letters,  arts,  and  sciences.  Nature  has  given  them  the  finest  forms, 
and  no  man,  who  has  had  public  business  with  them,  can  have  a  doubt  of  the  high 


IO2 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


.slackened,  th^  Alibamons  fell  suddenly  upon  the  village  of  the 
Mobilians,  wnom  they  did  not  altogether  surprise,  as  M.  M.  DE 
BIENVILLE  and  D'ARTAGUETTE  had  recommended  them  to 
keep  advanced  guards  some  leagues  distant  from  their  village. 
The  result  of  this  precaution  was,  that  when  they  approached 
with  their  allies,  to  the  number  of  four  thousand  warriors,  they 
only  effected  the  destruction  of  a  few  cabins,  about  six  leagues 
from  us,  and  then  retraced  their  steps  in  great  haste. 


order  of  their  intellect.  It  only  requires  the  care  of  government  to  elevate  them  to  a 
high  standard  of  civilization,  and  protect  them  in  their  rights  and  property,  out  of 
which  they  have  been,  in  the  last  two  centuries,  most  shamefully  swindled. 

The  Cherokees  universally  believe  in  the  being  of  a  God.  They  also  believe  in  a 
future  state  of  reward  and  punishment.  They  call  God  the  Great  Spirit,  and  worship 
him  with  great  reverence.  They  have  no  words  in  their  language  that  they  can  combine 
to  profane  his  holy  name.  The  present  (1868)  population,  west  of  Arkansas  River,  is 
about  twenty  thousand  (20,000),  and  remnants,  still  residing  in  Tennessee,  Georgia, 
and  Alabama,  three  thousand  (3,000).  The  library  of  the  American  Philosophical 
Society,  Philadelphia,  contain  the  following  MSS.  and  books  of  their  language,  viz. : 
Vocabularies,  by  Judge  CAMPBELL  and  B.  HAWKINS;  Cherokee  numerals,  by  W.  BUT 
LER;  specimens  of  the  Cherokee  newspapers  (the  "Messenger"  and  "Advocate"); 
school-books  and  Bibles;  a  grammar,  by  JOHN  PICKERING;  GALLATIN'S  Synopsis,  in 
Vol.  ii  of  "Arch<xohgio  Americana ,•"  "Mithridates,"  Vol.  in,  Part  in,  pp.  292-305; 
WORCESTER'S  and  PICKERING'S  remarks  on  the  principles  of  the  Cherokee  language; 
besides  a  great  number  of  public  documents,  selections  from  the  Scriptures,  hymns, 
and  other  pieces,  in  the  Cherokee  language. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


I03 


CHAPTER     VII. 


9|  ARLY  in  the  spring  of  1709,  Fort  Louis 
de  la  Mobile^*  and  all  the  houses  of  the 
inhabitants  in  the  vicinity,  were  inun 
dated  by  a  rise  of  the  river,  and  none 
escaped,  except  those  that  stood  upon 
high  ground.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  happened  to  be  at  the  fort 
at  this  time,  and,  seeing  this  might  frequently  occur,  resolved 
to  move  the  fort  nearer  the  sea.  He,  accordingly,  selected  a  place 
where  the  nation  of  the  Chatots^  were  residing,  and  gave  them, 
in  exchange  for  it,  a  piece  of  territory  fronting  on  Dog  River, 


1709, 


*  This  fort  was  built  by  the  French,  about  twelve  leagues  above  the  present  city  of 
Mobile,  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river,  in  1702,  and  was,  for  a  long  time,  the  chief 
settlement  of  the  colony.  It  formed  a  good  barrier,  and  served  to  protect  the  colony 
from  the  attacks  of  the  Choctaivs,  Chickasaius,  and  other  Indian  nations  in  Carolina. 
The  French  also  built  a  fort  (Z0«/o«i«),  eighty  leagues  higher  up,  on  the  Tombeebe 
(Tombigby}  Ri-ver,  which  served,  also,  to  protect  them  from  the  incursions  of  the 
Cherokees,  Creeks,  and  other  Indian  nations. 

f  The  Chatot  and  Thome  tribes  were  allied  to  the  Choctaius,  and  spoke  the  French 
as  well  as  the  Choctaiv  languages.  They  lived  south  of  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile,  and 
were  instructed  in  the  Roman  Catholic  faith.  The  French,  in  Louisiana,  used  the 
Choctaiv  ( Tchactai]  language  for  their  communication  with  other  Indian  tribes.  See 
BAUDRY  DES  LOZIERE'S  "  Voyage  a  la  Louisianc"  1794,  and  LUIGI  CASTIGLIONI'S 
"  Viaggio  ntgli  Stati  Uniti  del  I"1  America"  etc.,  1790. 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

two  leagues  further  down.  He,  afterwards,  directed  M.  PAIL- 
LOUX,  aid-major,  and  several  other  officers,  to  proceed  to  mark 
out  a  place  for  a  new  fort  and  barracks,  with  ground  sufficient 
for  each  family,  to  whom  he  gave  lots  of  seventy-two  feet  front 
by  one  hundred  and  fifty  feet  in  depth.  He  also  gave  the 
priests  a  square  of  ground  for  a  Catholic  church.  Shortly  after, 
M.  DE  LA  VIGNE  VOISIN,  commander  of  a  French  frigate, 
arrived  from  St.  Malo,  and  anchored  off  Dauphine  Island.  He 
came  to  Mobile  to  ask  M.  DE  BIENVILLE'S  permission  to  build 
a  fort  and  church  on  Daupbine  Island,  which  was  granted ;  and, 
on  his  return  to  his  ship,  he  commenced  immediately  to  con 
struct  a  fort,  with  embrasures,  which  he  mounted  with  cannon. 
He  also  erected  a  church  on  a  hill  overlooking  the  harbor,  so 
that  the  crews  of  vessels  arriving  there  could  attend  mass. 
These  improvements  had  a  most  useful  effect,  in  causing  many 
of  the  colonists  to  cross  over  from  the  main-land  to  settle  on  the 
island;  and,  about  this  time,  the  Oumas  also  removed  their  chief 
village  to  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi  river.  The  works  of  the 
new  fort,*  in  the  meantime,  progressed  rapidly. 

I7IO.          The  scarcity  of  provisions  had  become  so  great,  that  M.  DE 

"  BIENVILLE,  who  had  acted  in  the  capacity  of  governor  since  the 

death   of   M.    DE    MUYS,   informed   the   minister    that   he   was 

compelled  to  scatter  his  men  among  the  Indians  for  subsistence. 


*  This  fort  was  afterwards  called  Conde.  It  was  reconstructed  with  brick,  after  the 
manner  of  Vauban,  with  bastions,  half-moons,  deep  ditches,  covered  way,  and  glacis, 
with  houses  for  the  officers,  and  barracks  for  the  soldiers,  and  was  mounted  with  six 
teen  cannon.  The  remains  of  this  fort,  which  have  now  been  removed,  were,  for 
many  years,  an  object  of  great  interest  to  the  antiquarian  who  would  sometimes  visit 
its  ruins,  as  well  as  those  of  Si/oxi,  Dauphinc,  and  Ship  islands. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

The  new  fort  and  barracks  being  now  partly  finished,  M.  DE  IJIO. 
BIENVILLE  ordered  all  the  ammunition,  cannon,  and  merchan 
dize,  to  be  sent  to  it,  which  had  hardly  been  done  when  the 
frigate  Renommee,  commanded  by  M.  DE  REMONVILLE,*  arrived 
at  Daupbine  Island,  with  reinforcements  and  provisions  for  the 
colony.  M.  BLONDEL,  lieutenant  of  infantry,  was  ordered  to 
go,  with  thirty  soldiers,  to  live  among  the  Choctaws ;  and, 
M.  DE  WALIGNY,  with  twenty-five  men,  accompanied  by 
eighteen  Apalacbe  Indians,  to  reside  on  Mobile  Bay,  near  Fish 
River.  This  nation  (the  Apalacbe],  professed  to  be  Roman 
Catholics,  and  had  been  living  in  Spanish  territory.  Their 
village  having  been  destroyed  by  the  Alibamons,  they  came  to 
establish  themselves  among  the  Thome  and  Mobilians.  The 
men  and  women  go  properly  dressed  to  church.  The  men  wear 
long  coats,  and  the  women  dress  in  cloaks,  and  silk  petticoats, 
after  the  fashion  of  the  French ;  and  wear  their  hair  plaited  in 
two  tresses,  after  the  Spanish  fashion.  When  mass  is  con 
cluded,  the  men,  women,  and  children,  return  home,  and 
disguise  themselves,  and  pass  the  evening  in  dancing  with  the 
French,  who  go  to  visit  them.  They  are  very  partial  to  the 
French,  and  speak  both  the  French  and  Spanish  languages. f 


*  Author  of  the  "  Memoir  Addressed  to  Count  de  Pontchartrain,  on  the  Import 
ance  of  Establishing  a  Colony  in  Louisiana."  See  pp.  I  —  1 6  of  this  volume. 

f  The  Apalachc  Indians  are  described  by  the  historian  of  HERNANDO  DE  SOTO'S 
expedition  into  Florida  as  a  brave  and  numerous  people,  spread  over  the  plains  and 
morasses  to  the  south,  and  along  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  They  appreciated  their  inde 
pendence  too  much,  and  refused  to  become  the  slaves  of  NARVAEZ  and  DE  SOTO.  But 
few  words  of  their  language  are  preserved.  This  nation  resided,  in  former  times,  in 
the  region  of  country  between  the  Su-wanee  and  Apalachicola  rivers,  from  which  they 
were  finally  driven  out  by  the  Alibamons  and  Creeks. 

14 


J06  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1710.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  has  built  himself  a  beautiful  country  house 

on  the  sea  shore,  about  a  league  from  the  fort,  which  he  has 
ornamented  with  a  grove  of  orange  trees,  where  he  resides,  most 
of  the  year,  for  his  health.  In  the  month  of  September,  an 
English  corsair  made  a  descent  upon  Dauphine  Island,  destroyed, 
and  carried  off  more  than  sixty  thousand  livres  of  property. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA, 


I07 


CHAPTER     VIII. 


ARLY  in  January,  1711,  M.  DIRON 
D'ARTAGUETTE,  intendant  commissary 
of  the  colony,  arrived  at  Mobile^  and 
entered  upon  the  duties  of  his  office. 
In  the  month  of  May,  the  Chickasaws 
declared  war  against  the  Choctaws.  Several  Canadian  traders 
came  from  the  Illinois- Caskaskias,  with  letters  from  Father 
MAREST  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  and  D'ARTAGUETTE,  in  which 
he  begged  them  to  send  an  officer,  with  a  detachment  of  troops, 
to  restrain  the  Canadians  from  committing  scandalous  crimes 
with  the  daughters  and  wives  of  the  Illinois,  and  thus  preventing 
them  from  being  converted  to  the  Roman  Catholic  faith. 
These  Indians  are  industrious  and  skillful  in  cultivating  their 
lands,  breaking  them  up  with  the  plough,  which  they  owe  to 
the  Jesuits,  who  have  resided  among  them  more  than  sixty 
years.  This  country  is  one  of  the  most  beautiful  in  all  Louisi 
ana.  Every  kind  of  grain  and  vegetables  are  produced  here  in 
the  greatest  abundance.  It  is  in  this  country  that  you  may 
behold  the  most  magnificent  prairies  in  the  world.  They  have 


1711 


IO8  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1 7 1 1 .  horses,  which  they  purchase  from  the  Cadadoquioux  for  merchan 
dize,  and  pasture  them  here.  They  have,  also,  large  numbers 
of  oxen,  cows,  sheep,  etc.,  upon  the  prairies.  Poultry  is  abun 
dant,  and  fish  plentiful.  So  that,  in  fact,  they  lack  none  of  the 
necessaries  or  conveniences  of  life. 

Near  their  village  are  three  mills  for  grinding  grain — one 
wind-mill,  owned  by  the  Jesuits,  and  two  horse-mills,  belonging 
to  the  Illinois.  The  Caskaskias  women  are  very  skillful.  They 
generally  sew  together  the  buffalo-skins,  which  have  wool  as 
fine  as  that  of  English  sheep,  with  thread  of  a  fine,  white  qual 
ity.  With  this  material  they  also  manufacture  garments,  dyed 
with  black,  yellow,  and  red  colors.  These  they  make  similar 
to  those  worn  by  our  women  of  Brittany,  or  the  loose  wrappers 
of  our  French  ladies.  They  add  to  this  a  head-dress.  They 
also  wear  petticoats.  They  use  a  thread  in  sewing  their  clothes, 
made  from  the  nerves,  or  tendons  of  the  deer,  which  is  prepared 
after  the  following  manner:  when  the  nerves,  or  tendons,  of 
this  animal  are  stripped,  they  are  exposed  to  the  sun,  twice 
every  twenty-four  hours,  after  which,  they  are  beaten,  and  draw 
from  it  a  thread  as  fine  and  white  as  the  most  beautiful  Mallne 
thread  of  France. 

The  Illinois  are  very  fond  of  good  living,  and  have  frequent 
feasts  among  themselves.  Their  choicest  meats  are  the  flesh 
of  dogs,  or  wolves,  which  are  brought  up  and  fattened  in  their 
village.  They  are,  for  the  most  part,  Catholics,  and  have  a 
very  large  church  in  their  village,  which  is  well  arranged  in  the 
interior.  Besides  the  baptismal  fonts,  there  are  three  chapels, 
ornamented  with  a  bell  and  belfrey.  They  regularly  attend  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


I09 


services,  which  the  Jesuits  have  translated   from   the  Latin  into       ijll 
their  own  language.* 

*  The  Illinois  Indians,  a  tribe  of  the  great  Algonquin  stock,  were  once  powerful 
on  the  northern  shores  of  the  lakes.  Their  manners,  customs,  and  religion,  have  been 
frequently  described  by  travellers  and  the  Jesuit  fathers.  In  a  letter  from  Father 
MAREST  to  Father  GERMON,  from  "  the  village  of  the  Immaculate  Conception  of  the 
Holy  Virgin,  Caskaskias,  Novembar  12,  1712,"  he  says:  "The  Illinois  are  much  less 
barbarous  than  the  other  Indians.  Christianity,  and  their  intercourse  with  the  French 
have,  by  degrees,  civilized  them.  This  is  particularly  remarked  in  our  village,  of 
which  the  inhabitants  are  almost  all  Christians,  and  has  brought  many  French  to 
establish  themselves  here,  three  of  whom  have  married  Illinois  women.  We  find  in 
the  women  a  docility  and  ardor  for  the  practice  of  the  Christian  virtues.  This  mission 
owes  its  establishment  to  the  late  Father  GRAVJER.  The  following  is  the  order  we 
observe,  each  day,  in  our  mission  : — 

"  Early  in  the  morning,  we  assemble  the  Catechumens  at  the  church,  where  they 
have  prayers,  they  receive  instruction,  and  chant  canticles.  When  they  have  retired, 
mass  is  said,  at  which  all  the  Christians  assist — the  men  placed  on  one  side  and  the 
women  on  the  other.  Then  they  have  prayers,  which  are  followed  by  giving  them  a 
homily,  after  which  each  one  goes  to  his  labor.  We  then  spend  our  time  in  visiting 
the  sick,  to  give  them  the  necessary  remedies,  and  to  console  those  who  are  laboring 
under  any  affliction. 

"  In  the  afternoon,  all  assemble,  Christians  and  Catechumens,  men  and  children, 
young  and  old,  to  whom  questions  are  put  by  the  missionary.  In  the  evening,  all 
assemble  again  at  the  church,  to  hear  instruction,  say  prayers,  and  sing  hymns.  On 
Sundays  and  festivals,  we  add  to  the  ordinary  exercises  instructions,  which  are  given 
after  the  vespers.  These  hymns  are  their  best  instructions,  which  they  retain  more 
easily,  since  the  words  are  set  to  airs,  with  which  they  are  taught,  and  which  pleases 
them.  They  often  approach  the  sacraments;  and  the  custom  among  them  is  to 
confess,  and  to  communicate,  once  a  fortnight." 

Father  GRAVIER  was  the  first  who  investigated  the  principles  of  their  language,  and 
reduced  them  to  grammatical  rules.  See  GALLATIN'S  "Vocabulary  of  Fifty-three 
Indian  Languages,  and  Comparative  Vocabulary  of  Sixteen  Tribes,"  in  "  Archaologio 
Americana"  Vol.  n  ;  "  Transactions  of  the  American  Ethnological  Society  ;  "  "  Com 
parative  Vocabulary  of  the  Lenni-Lenape  and  Algonquin  MS.,"  in  the  library  of  the 
American  Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia;  B.  SMITH  BARTON'S  "Comparative 
Vocabularies  5"  "  Mithridates,"  Vol.  HI,  Part  in,  pp.  343,  346,  416,417,  from  LA 
HONTAN,  SMITH,  BARTON,  LONG,  and  MACKENZIE;  DUPON^EAU'S  "  Memoir -e  snr  le 
Sy  stemc  Grammatical  des  Langues  de  quelques  Nations  Indiennes  de  /'  A merique  du  Nord. 
Paris,  1838." 


IIO  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1711.  They  sing,  alternately,  with  the  French,  the  latter,  in  French, 

~  and  the  former,   in  their  own  language.      When  a  Frenchman 

wishes  to  marry  one  of  their  daughters,  he  sends  a  present,  in 

proportion  to  his  fortune,  to  the  brother  of  the  girl ;   for  neither 

the  father  nor  mother  trouble  themselves  about  it. 

If  the  brother  receives  the  present,  it  is  understood  he  gives 
his  consent,  and  he  invites  the  father  and  mother  to  his  house? 
and  he  consults  with  them.  If  they  find  him  an  ho/iest  and 
proper  person,  the  son  then  divides  the  present  with  his  parents ; 
and,  on  their  part,  they  give,  in  return,  more  valuable  presents 
than  they  receive,  which  are  sent  by  the  son  to  his  intended 
brother-in-law.  The  next  day,  the  suitor  visits  the  brother  and 
parents  of  the  girl,  whom  he  salutes,  when  all  of  them  at  once 
proceed  to  the  Jesuit  fathers,  who  inscribe  the  marriage  agree 
ment  in  their  registers. 

The  bans  are  then  published,  during  three  consecutive 
weeks,  when,  if  no  objection  is  made,  the  marriage  takes  place 
as  in  France.  The  wedding  usually  takes  place  at  the  house 
of  the  bridegroom,  which  is  attended  by  all  the  relatives,  who, 
after  church  service  in  the  morning,  send  to  his  house  the 
necessary  provisions  for  the  occasion.  They  then  conduct  the 
married  couple  home,  where  a  repast  is  prepared,  and,  after 
that,  dancing  begins,  and  is  continued  until  evening. 

This  nation  is  very  brave  in  war.  They  use  both  the  gun, 
bow,  and  arrow,  and  are  not  so  inhuman  as  other  tribes.  The 
children  taken  by  them  in  war  are  saved,  brought  up,  and 
educated  by  the  Jesuit  fathers  ;  but  the  men,  and  old  people, 
who  are  capable  of  doing  an  injury,  are  put  to  death  with  a  club. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  JIT 

In   September,  the    frigate   Renommee,   commanded   by  M.  DE       17 1 


REMONVILLE,  arrived  at  Dauphine  Island,  with  provisions  for  the 
colony.  He  also  brought  M.  DE  SAINTE  HELENE,  midshipman, 
to  serve  as  aid-de-camp  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  his  uncle.  In 
November,  M.  D'ARTAGUETTE,  an  accomplished  gentleman 
and  scholar,  returned  to  France,  carrying  with  him  the  sincere 
regrets  of  the  colony. 


112 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     IX. 


1712, 


N  January,  1712,  M.  DE  SAINTE  HELENE 
sailed  for  Vera  Cruz,  to  purchase  provi 
sions  for  the  colony,  and,  while  at  anchor 
in  the  roadstead,  his  vessel  encountered  a 
violent  storm,  which  drove  it  ashore,  and, 
very  soon  after,  it  went  to  pieces.  The 
Viceroy  of  Mexico  (the  Duke  DE  LINARES,  who  succeeded  the 
Duke  D'ALBUQUERQUE),  on  hearing  of  this  disaster,  sent  imme 
diately  a  vessel  to  take  M.  DE  SAINTE  HELENE  and  his  crew 
back  to  Louisiana,  with  letters  for  M.  DE  BIENVILLE.  In 
March,  a  frigate,  commanded  by  M.  DE  LA  VIGNE  VOISINJ 
arrived  in  Mobile  Bay,  with  letters  from  M.  DUCASSE,  Governor 
of  St.  Domingo,  to  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico. 

On  the  i  yth  of  March,  1713,  it  was  announced,  by  the  firing 
of  a  salute,  that  the  frigate  Baron  de  la  Fosse,  commanded  by  M. 
DE  LA  JONQUIERE,  had  arrived  in  Mobile  Bay,  with  news  that  a 
peace  had  been  concluded  at  Utrecht.  Among  the  passengers 
who  came  over,  were  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC,*  the  new 


*  M.  ANTOINE  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC  was  born  in  Gascony  (France)  ;   and,  before 
he  came  to  Louisiana,  had  served,  with  distinction,  as  an  officer  in  Canada.     In  1712; 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  l  jo 

Governor-General  of  Louisiana,  Mde.  DE  LA  MOTTE,  her  sons 
and  daughter,  and  servants;  besides,  twenty-five  young  girls 
from  Brittany,  who  came  with  the  expectation  of  finding  hus 
bands  in  the  colony.  M.  DUCLOS,  intendant  commissary,  in 
place  of  M.  D'ARTAGUETTE,  who  had  returned  to  France;  M. 
LE  BAS,  comptroller  of  finances ;  M.  DE  RICHEBOURG,*  and  M. 
M.  DIRIGOIN  and  LA  LOIRE  DES  URSINS,  as  agents  and  direc 
tors  of  M.  CROZAT,  Marquis  DE  CHATEL,!  to  whom  the  King 
had  granted  a  charter  of  Louisiana,  by  letters  patent  ;£  and  M. 
DE  BIENVILLE  retained  as  lieutenant-governor  of  the  colony. 
At  the  time  of  the  transfer,  there  was  in  the  colony  about  four 
hundred  persons,  including  twenty  negroes.  The  same  ship 
also  brought  over  a  large  supply  of  provisions  and  ammunition, 
which  was  deposited  in  the  magazines  and  public  stores  at 
Mobile  and  Daupbine  Island.  A  few  days  after  the  arrival  of 
M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC,  he  received  orders  from  M. 
CROZAT  to  send  out  detachments  among  the  Spaniards,  for 


he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Louisiana,  and  arrived  there  in  May,  1713.  Being  a 
partner  of  M.  DE  CROZAT,  they  obtained  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  commerce  of 
that  vast  country  for  fifteen  years.  He  visited  the  Illinois  country,  and  established  a 
post  in  Alabama.  He  ordered  a  fort  to  be  built  at  the  Natchez,  which  he  called  Fort 
Rosalie,  in  compliment  to  Mde.  DE  PONTCHARTRAIN,  and  another  at  Natchitoches,  to 
prevent  the  Spaniards  approaching  too  closely  the  French  colony.  He  administered 
the  government  of  Louisiana  till  the  gth  of  March,  1717,  when  he  resigned,  and 
returned  to  France,  where  he  died  in  the  following  year. 

*  Author  of  "Memoire  sur  la  Premiere  des  Natchez,,"  First  Series  "  Historical  Col 
lections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  in,  pp.  241—252. 

f  M.  CROZAT,  Marquis  DE  CHATEL,  was  one  of  the  bankers  and  great  financiers 
who  figured  in  the  reign  of  Louis  XIV,  and  who  accumulated  a  large  fortune  out  of 
the  East  India  trade.  He  died  June  7,  1738. 

J  See  Letters  Patent,  First  Series,  "  Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  in,  pp. 
38-42. 

'5 


II4  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1713.  the  purpose  of  trade,  and  to  the  Illinois,  for  the  same  purpose, 
~  and  also  to  discover  mines.  M.  DE  LA  JONQUIERE,  and  M. 
DIRIGOIN,  the  director,  was  also  ordered  to  proceed  to  Vera 
Cruz,  and  exchange  some  of  the  merchandize  brought  from 
France,  for  cattle  and  horses,  of  which  we  were  greatly  in  need, 
and,  if  possible,  to  establish  a  free  trade  between  the  two  coun 
tries,  to  which  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico  refused  to  give  his 
consent.  He  would  only  give  them  permission  to  purchase 
some  cattle  and  provisions,  which  were  delivered  to  them  in  the 
roadstead,  with  orders  to  weigh  anchor,  and  depart  immediately. 
M.  JUCHEREAU  DE  ST.  DENIS,  a  brave  and  enterprising  officer, 
was  called  to  Mobile  by  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC,  and, 
after  his  arrival,  he  made  him  a  proposition  to  go  to  Natcbitoches, 
and  from  thence  by  land  to  Mexico,  to  establish  commercial 
relations  with  that  country,  which  he  accepted,  and  took  ten 
thousand  livres  worth  of  merchandize  from  the  public  stores, 
and  loaded  it  in  five  canoes ;  and,  provided  with  a  passport  to 
the  Spanish  Governor,  he  set  out  from  the  fort,  and,  accom 
panied  by  twenty  men,  of  which  I  was  one  of  the  number,  we 
proceeded  on  our  expedition  to  Mexico.  We  stopped  at  Biloxi, 
where  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  resides.  From  there,  I  set  out  in  a 
canoe,  with  two  Indians,  to  go  to  the  Colapissas,  to  bring  back 
some  of  the  Natcbitoches*  Indians  and  their  families  to  Biloxi,  in 
order  that  they  might  accompany  us  up  the  Red  River,  as  far  as 
their  first  village. 

Upon   my   arrival   among   them,    the    next   day,    I   was   well 


*  A  small  number  of  the  Natchitoches  nation  was  domesticated  with  the  Co/af>rssas,  on 
the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Pontchartrain. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  jjr 

received  by  both   nations;   but,  upon  the  following  day,  when  I       1713* 

was  preparing  to  depart,  jealousy,  or  rage,  took  possession  of  the 

Colapissas^  who   fell    upon    the   Natchitoches,  and   attacked    them 

with  guns  and  arrows,  and,  despite  of  all   my  efforts  to  restrain 

them    from  fighting,  seventeen  of  the   Natchitoches  were  killed ; 

and  it  was  with  extreme  danger  and  difficulty  that  I  was  able  to 

save   the    chief,    by    covering   him    with    my  own    body.      The 

Colapissas  seized   upon  more  than  fifty  of  the  Natcbitoches  women 

and  girls;   the  remainder  of  the  men  dispersed  themselves  in  the 

woods,  and,  when  evening  came,  they  joined  me  like  a  flock  of 

scattered  sheep.     I  conducted  them  to  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  who 

was  greatly  surprised  at  this  tragical  event,  and  promised  that 

they  should  be  avenged,  and  the  Colapissas  should  be  compelled 

to  return  to  them  all  their  women  and  children. 

We  remained  some  time  at  Biloxi,  for  the  purpose  of  collect 
ing  all  we  could  of  the  Natcbitoches,  and  succeeded  in  obtaining 
about  thirty  more.  We  then  transported  our  merchandize  to 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and  proceeded  from  thence,  in  our 
canoes,  to  the  Red  River. 

We  ascended  the  Mississippi  to  Pass-Manchac,  where  we  killed 
fifteen  buffaloes.  The  next  day,  we  landed  again,  and  killed 
eight  more  buffaloes,  and  as  many  deer.  We  then  proceeded 
directly  to  the  village  of  the  Tonicas,  two  leagues  beyond  the 
mouth  of  Red  River,  to  obtain  all  the  provisions  we  possibly 
could.  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  held  an  interview  with  the  chief  of 
the  Tonicas,  and  engaged  him  to  accompany  us,  with  fifteen  of 
his  men,  it  being  understood  that  they  would  be  remunerated  for 
their  services.  We  then  entered  the  mouth  of  the  Red  River 


U6  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 

(formerly  called  the  Oumas,  or  Sabloniere,  also,  the  river  of  the 
Natchitoches),  which  empties  into  the  Mississippi  from  the  west, 
its  course  being  from  the  north-west.  At  a  distance  of  eight 
leagues  in  ascending,  on  the  right  hand  side,  we  came  to  a  river 
which  empties  into  Red  River,  called  the  Ouachitas  (Black 
River).  Five  leagues  higher  up,  we  came  to  a  large  prairie,  and 
four  leagues  further,  came  to  Saline,  or  Salt  River.  Six  leagues 
above  Saline  River,  we  arrived  at  a  small  stream,  upon  the  banks 
of  which  dwells  a  nation,  called  Tassenogoula,  which.,  in  French, 
signifies  the  Nation  of  the  Rocks.  Their  village  is  situated  at  the 
base  of  a  chain  of  hills,  running  north  and  south.  Their  cabins 
are  constructed  and  covered  in  the  same  manner  as  those  of  the 
Natchez;  their  manners,  religion,  and  customs,  being  the  same, 
as  they  lived  a  long  time  with  that  nation,  from  which  they 
separated,  on  account  of  the  perpetual  wars  among  them. 

Nine  leagues  higher  up,  we  came  to  the  falls,  extending  the 
whole  width  of  the  river.  Here  it  became  necessary  for  us  to 
make  a  portage  of  our  canoes  and  merchandize,  to  the  head  of 
the  falls,  and,  one  league  above,  we  encountered  another  fall, 
where  we  were  obliged  to  perform  the  same  operation.  Three 
leagues  beyond  this,  we  entered  a  branch  of  the  Red  River, 
twelve  leagues  in  extent,  the  terminus  of  which  leads  into  a 
small  lake,  about  two  leagues  in  length,  and  about  half  a  league 
in  width.  On  the  right  of  this  lake,  the  land  is  quite  elevated. 
Two  leagues  further  on,  we  came  to  another  lake,  eight  leagues 
in  circuit,  and  two  leagues  wide,  through  which  this  branch  of 
Red  River  passes ;  and,  ascending  five  leagues  more,  came  to  a 
hill,  called  I'Ecore  a  la  Croix  (the  B "luff  of  the  Cross).  Near  this 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  uj 

place,  we  met  the  rest  of  the  Natchitocbes,  who  had  come  by  1713 
land,  and  arrived  here  before  us.  They  were  accompanied  by 
another  nation  of  Indians,  called  the  Doustionis,  numbering  about 
two  hundred  men.  They  followed  us  to  the  village  of  the 
NatcbitocbeS)  nine  leagues  higher  up,  which  is  situated  upon  an 
island,  formed  by  the  separation  of  Red  River  into  two  branches. 
As  soon  as  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  arrived  there,  he  assembled  the 
chiefs  of  the  two  nations,  and,  in  the  presence  of  the  chief  of 
the  Tonicas,  told  them  they  must  begin  to  cultivate  their  lands, 
that  he  was  about  to  distribute  to  them  the  corn  and  grain  he 
had  brought  with  them  for  that  purpose.  And,  moreover,  they 
would  always  have  the  French  among  them,  whom  it  would  be 
necessary  to  supply  with  the  means  of  subsistence.  He  recom 
mended  them  to  go  to  work  immediately,  telling  them  they 
would  have  nothing  to  fear  from  hostile  nations,  so  long  as  they 
continued  united  among  themselves. 

We  distributed  among  them  pickaxes,  hoes,  and  axes.  They 
cut  down  the  trees,  with  which  we  constructed  two  houses  in 
their  villages,  for  lodging  and  storing  our  merchandize.  After 
remaining  here  six  weeks,  we  set  out,  on  the  23d  of  August,  to 
explore  the  Spanish  territory,*  taking  with  us  twelve  French 
men,  fifteen  Yonicas^  and  as  many  of  the  Natchitoches  as  guides. 

*  In  this  expedition,  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  was  instructed  to  explore  the  country  west 
ward,  and  to  observe  the  movements  of  the  Spaniards  on  the  Rio  del  Nortc,  and  to  see 
if  they  had  advanced  into  Louisiana,  now  Texas.  No  settlement  had  then  been  made 
by  them  east  of  that  river  5  but  they  claimed  jurisdiction  over  all  that  country  to  Red 
River,  under  the  name  of  the  province  of  "  Texas"  The  more  effectually  to  hold 
this  country,  the  French,  afterwards,  established  a  mission  and  fort  on  the  upper  tribu 
taries  of  the  Sabine,  which  was  held  until  the  treaty  of  1763,  when  Louisiana  was 
ceded  to  Spain. 


jjg  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1714.  Ten  Frenchmen  were  left  to  guard  the  merchandize  in  the  Nat- 
chitockes  village,  with  the  injunction  to  keep  close  watch  over  it. 
I  was  one  of  those  who  accompanied  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS.  We 
went,  by  land,  to  the  village  of  the  Assinahy  because  the  river, 
above  Natchitoches,  is  impeded  by  timber.  After  a  march  of 
twenty- two  days,  we  arrived  among  the  Assinais*  During  the 
entire  route,  we  had  lived  on  the  products  of  our  hunting.  Our 
rations  consisted  of  an  ear  of  corn,  and  a  piece  of  buffalo  meat. 
The  Assinais  were  astonished  at  seeing  us,  as  they  had  never 
before  seen  any  French,  and  had  only  seen  some  half-naked,  half- 
civilized  Spaniards,  who,  for  five  years  past,  had  ceased  to  visit 
them.  They  chanted  the  calumet  of  peace  to  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS, 
who  gave  them  presents,  and  employed  them  as  guides  in  search 
of  the  Spaniards. 

In  their  village,  we  found  a  woman,  named  ANGELICA,  who 
had  been  baptized  by  the  Spanish  priests.  She  spoke  Spanish 
very  well  ;  and,  as  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  was  familiar  with  that 
language,  he  made  use  of  her  as  the  chief  interpretess.  We  took 
but  few  provisions  with  us,  as  we  could  not  obtain  any  among 
the  Assinais,  and  were  compelled  again  to  subsist  by  hunting. 
Despite,  however,  of  want  and  fatigue,  we  were  sustained  by 
the  hope  of  soon  being  recompensed  by  the  discoveries  which 
awaited  us.  We  pursued  our  journey,  in  this  way,  for  the 


*  The  name  of  this  nation  is  written  in  different  ways,  by  travellers,  since  the  time 
of  LA  SALLE.  Cenis,  Assinais^  Assonys,  a  numerous  and  powerful  nation,  made  up  of 
many  different  tribes,  who  roamed  over  the  whole  country  of  Texas,  from  the  Bay  of 
St.  Bernard  (St.  Louis')  to  the  Red  River,  the  customs,  manners,  and  religion  of  which 
were  not  different  from  other  tribes  in  the  West.  But  few  words  of  this  nation  are 
found  in  early  writers. 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FLOR  IDA.  j  l  g 

distance  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  leagues,  and,  at  the  end  of  a       I7I4< 
month  and  a  half,  reached  the  first  Spanish  village,  called   El 
Presidio  del  Norte  (the  village  of  the  River  of  the  North),  which 
is  situated  on  the  banks  of  the  river  of  that  name. 

As  soon  as  we  arrived  there,  Don  Senor  RAIMOND,  a  captain 
of  Spanish  cavalry,  came  to  speak  with  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  and 
learn  the  object  of  his  visit,  and  what  he  wished.  M.  DE  ST. 
DENIS  told  him  that  he  had  been  sent  there  by  the  Governor  of 
Louisiana,  for  the  purpose  of  opening  commercial  relations  with 
the  Spaniards.  The  captain,  who  was  a  man  of  good  sense, 
replied,  that  he  had  no  authority  in  the  premises,  but  would 
write  to  the  Governor  of  Caouis,  and  give  him  an  answer,  when 
the  orders  of  his  superior  were  received.  He  then  provided  lodg 
ings  for  the  soldiers,  and  invited  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  to  his  own 
house,  accompanied  by  a  surgeon,  JALOT,  his  valet,  and  myself. 
We  waited  full  six  weeks  without  receiving  an  answer  from  the 
Governor  of  Gaouis,  as  he,  in  turn,  had  sent  a  similar  message  to 
the  Governor  of  Paraille,  a  small  town  about  thirty  leagues  from 
Caouis*  for  his  advice.  These  towns  are  about  sixty  leagues 
distant  from  the  River  of  the  North  (Rio  del  Norte).  Mining,  and 
coining  silver,  are  carried  on  by  the  inhabitants  of  both  places. 

At  length,  Don  GASPARDO  ANAYA,  the  Governor  of  Caouis, 
sent  an  officer  and  twenty- five  cavalry  to  the  village  where  we 
were,  with  an  order  to  bring  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  before  him.  He 
told  us,  upon  his  departure,  to  wait  his  return  in  this  village, 
where  he  would  direct  his  order  and  information.  We  remained 
there  over  a  month — I  at  the  house  of  the  captain,  and  the 


*  The  town  of  Caouis  is  about  seven  hundred  and  fifty  miles  from  Mexico. 


I2O  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

I7I4-  soldiers  and  Indians  at  their  several  lodgings,  until  we  received 
the  order  from  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  to  return  to  Natchitoches ; 
because  the  Governor  of  Caouis^  after  an  examination  of  the 
passport  of  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  resolved  to  send  him  to  Mexico, 
three  hundred  leagues  distant,  where  he  arrived  on  the  25th  of 
June,  and  did  not  return  until  the  following  year  (1715). 

The  rest  of  us  had  to  depart,  immediately,  upon  the  reception 
of  our  orders,  which  we  did,  with  the  greatest  reluctance  ;  for 
the  Spanish  damsels  of  that  village  were  very  agreeable  to  us, 
and  were  themselves  vexed  at  our  departure.  I  gave  the  captain 
— at  whose  house  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  and  I  had  lodged — my 
most  sincere  thanks  for  his  kindness  and  hospitality.  His  name 
was  Don  PEDRO  DE  VILLESCAS.  He  had  two  daughters,  one  of 
whom  (Donna  MARIA)  was  subsequently  married  to  M.  DE  ST. 
DENIS,  upon  his  return  from  Mexico.  We  set  off  upon  our 
journey  with  great  regret,  and  few  provisions,  and  were  two 
months  in  reaching  the  village  of  the  Assinais,  as  we  were  often 
obliged  to  stop  and  hunt,  in  order  to  obtain  subsistence. 

At  the  village  of  the  Asslnais,  we  stopped  for  repose  and  pro 
visions.  There  were  but  few  Indians  in  the  village  at  the  time, 
as  they  were  out  upon  a  war  expedition  against  the  Kitatsechis 
(Keeckies).*  They  make  war  quite  different  from  the  Indians  on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  They  are  all  mounted  on  horse 
back,  with  quivers  fastened  behind,  rilled  with  arrows.  They 
carry  a  bow,  and  small  shield  made  of  buffalo-hide,  which  is 
held  in  the  left  hand,  and  is  intended  to  protect  them  from  the 


*   Keechiesy   a   tribe   of  Indians,    related    to    the    Panis  or   Pawnees,   living    on    the 
Canadian  River.     See  WHIPPLE'S  Vocabulary ;   Railroad  Reports,  Vol.  n. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


Ill 


arrows  of  their  enemies.  They  have  no  other  curb  or  bridal 
for  their  horses  than  a  piece  of  hair-rope  ;  '  their  stirrups  are 
made  of  the  same  material,  which  are  fastened  to  deer-skin, 
three  or  four  in  thickness,  thus  forming  their  saddle. 

The  Assinais  returned  from  their  expedition  the  day  after  we 
*  arrived  in  their  village,  forming  a  body  of  one  hundred  and  fifty 
armed  and  mounted  men,  who  were  all  excellent  horsemen. 
Of  six  prisoners  whom  they  captured,  only  two  were  brought  to 
their  village,  the  others  having  been  killed  and  eaten  by  them 
during  the  journey.  They  exposed  these  two  unfortunate  pris 
oners  upon  the  public  square,  with  their  hands  tightly  bound 
behind  their  backs,  and  guarded  by  twelve  men,  to  prevent  them 
from  entering  into  any  of  the  cabins  ;  for  if,  by  any  ruse  or 
force,  a  prisoner  can  take  refuge  in  one  of  their  cabins,  he  is  a 
precious  morsel,  to  be  eaten  by  their  women  and  children. 
After  this  repast  is  over,  they  untie  their  prisoners  from  the 
frames,  cut  them  up  in  pieces,  which  is  served  up  to  each  family, 
and  cooked  in  a  pot.  During  the  operation  of  cooking,  these 
cannibals  (anthropophagi]  keep  up  a  dance  while  eating  them. 

Their  neighbors,  with  whom  they  were  at  war,  were  called  the 
Aquodoces  (Nacogdoches),  residing  about  ten  leagues  from  their 
village,  the  Cadodaquioux,  about  forty  leagues  off  to  the  north, 
and  the  Three  Canes^*  about  one  hundred  leagues  in  a  northern 


*  The  Three  Canes,  or  Taivakenoes,  lived  on  the  head-branches  of  the  Rio  Brazos, 
towards  Santa  Fe,  about  two  hundred  miles  from  Nacogdoches.  They  spoke  the  same 
language  as  the  Panis  or  Toiviaches,  a  warlike  tribe  on  the  banks  of  the  Platte,  Kansas, 
and  head-waters  of  the  Red  Ri-ver.  See  SAY'S  "  Vocabulary  of  Indian  Languages," 
8vo,  Philadelphia,  i8aa;  GALLATIN'S  "Synopsis;"  BALBI'S  "  Atlas  Ethnographiefuc" 
Tab.  41,  No.  738. 

16 


I22  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1714.      direction.     All  those  nations  make  war  on  horseback  ;  and  each 
warrior  possesses  from  three  to  four  of  those  animals. 

Upon  leaving  them,  we  passed  through  a  village  of  Indians, 
called  the  Yatasees,*  whom  we  persuaded  to  come  with  us,  and 
live  among  the  Natchitoches^  where  we  conducted  them,  with 

4 

their  women,  children,  and  cattle.     They  have  resided  together,     * 
ever  since,  in  perfect  harmony  and  good  feeling. 

On  our  return  to  Natchitocbes^  we  found  the  twelve  French 
men  whom  we  had  left  to  guard  the  merchandize,  and  told  them 
that  we  had  orders  from  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  to  wait  here  for  him. 
The  Tonisas  left  us  here,  and  returned  to  their  homes. 


*  There  are  but  few  of  this  tribe  now  living.  Their  village,  a  few  years  ago,  was  in 
the  district  of  the  Natchitochcs,  where  the  French  had  a  station.  They  speak  the 
Caddo  language. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


I23 


CHAPTER     X. 


W  A  S  yet  among  the  Natchitocbes,  await 
ing  the  return  of  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS;  but, 
seeing  that  we  were  getting  short  of  pro 
visions,  I  descended  the  river  in  a  canoe, 
with  six  of  my  comrades,  to  obtain  food 
among  the  Natchez,  where  I  met  the  Messrs.  DE  LA  LOIRE 
DES  URSINS,  who  informed  me  of  their  intentions. 

I  found,  among  the  Natchez,  some  slaves  belonging  to  the 
nation  of  the  Chaouanons  (Shawanees),  who  had  been  captured  by 
a  strong  party  of  Chicachas,  Yazous,  and  Natchez,  who,  under  the 
pretext  of  visiting  their  village  for  the  purpose  of  dancing*  the 
calumet  of  peace,  had  attacked  them  in  the  most  base  and  treach 
erous  manner,  and  killed  their  Grand  Chief,  with  most  of  his 

*  This  dance  of  the  calumet  of  peace  is  a  solemn  ceremony,  and  different  from  the 
dance  of  the  calumet  of  war,  which  they  only  perform  on  important  occasions,  such  as 
to  confirm  an  alliance,  or  make  peace  with  their  neighbors.  They  also  perform  it 
when  they  come  to  pay  a  visit  to  a  nation,  on  which  occasion  they  get  up  a  grand 
entertainment.  The  calumet  is  made  like  a  common  tobacco  pipe,  but  larger,  and  is 
fixed  to  a  hollow  reed,  to  hold  it  for  smoking.  The  head  is  made  of  baked  clay,  or 
red  stone,  to  look  like  the  head  of  a  bird,  or  animal,  and  very  much  ornamented  with 
feathers  of  different  colors. 


1714, 


124  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 

1714.       family,  took  eleven  prisoners,  among  whom  was  the  wife  of  the 


chief,  and  brought  them  to  the  Natchez. 

I  used  all  the  efforts  in  my  power  to  have  them  liberated,  but 
was  unsuccessful.  I  was  very  much  astonished  to  meet  three 
Englishmen  there,  who  had  come  with  the  intention  of  pur 
chasing  them  as  slaves.  They  are  the  cause  of  exciting  those 
savages  to  war  with  each  other,  as  it  enables  them  to  purchase 
a  large  number  of  slaves,  whom  they  convey  into  Carolina  to 
work  on  their  plantations. 

In  the  meantime,  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  DBS  URSINS  received 
orders  from  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC  to  arrest  a  certain 
English  officer,  or  lord,  who  had  come  to  Louisiana  for  the 
purpose  of  tampering  with  the  tribes  dwelling  upon  the  borders 
of  the  Mississippi.  He  was  then  among  the  Natchez. 

After  sending  off  the  canoe,  loaded  with  flour,  to  my  com 
rades,  who  were  waiting  for  it  at  the  Natckitocbes ,  I,  with  two 
Frenchmen,  remained  to  assist  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  in  the  execution 
of  the  orders  he  had  received.  We  dared  not  arrest  him  in  the 
village  of  the  Natchez  for  fear  of  giving  offence,  and  of  opposition, 
on  their  part,  to  the  measure.  But,  not  doubting  that  he  would 
descend  the  river,  we  determined  to  waylay  him  on  his  journey. 
Before  leaving  the  village,  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  resolved,  however, 
to  have  an  interview  with  him,  in  order  to  discover  his  designs. 
Having  approached  him,  he  asked  him  if  he  had  come  to  make 
any  purchases  among  the  Natchez.  He  replied,  very  frankly, 
that  he,  with  two  other  Englishmen,  had  visited  the  Natchez, 
for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  peltries,  and  that  it  was  his  inten 
tion  to  go  among  the  Colapissas^  on  his  way  down  the  river, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  125 

thence  among  the   Choctaws,  where  he  had  a  depot  of  merchan-       I7I4- 


dize  and  peltry,  and  from  thence  would  return,  by  land,  into 
Carolina,  in  company  with  the  other  Englishmen,  who  were,  like 
himself,  engaged  in  traffic  with  the  Indians. 

After  this  conversation,  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  DES  URSINS  rejoined 
us.  I  advised  him  to  let  him  take  his  departure  first,  so  that 
he  would  not  distrust  us,  and  that,  should  he  get  in  advance  a 
day,  I  was  sure  we  could  overtake  him.  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE 
took  my  advice,  and  permitted  him  to  depart. 

The  next  day,  twelve  of  us  descended  the  river,  in  two 
canoes.  We  learned,  from  some  Indian  hunters,  the  English 
man  was  at  the  village  of  the  Tonkas,  which  nation  were  chant 
ing  to  him  the  calumet,  a  circumstance  that  obliged  us  to  pass 
lower  down,  and  wait  for  him  at  Manchac,  where  we  found  the 
Taensas,  who  had  abandoned  their  village  on  account  of  the 
continual  wars  waged  against  them  by  the  Oumas.  We  pre 
vailed  upon  them  to  accompany  us  to  Mobile,  where  land  would 
be  given  them  to  cultivate,  which  offer  they  accepted. 

We  landed  near  an  encampment  of  Indians,  whom  we  desired 
to  awaken  us,  should  they  see  a  canoe  passing  in  which  there 
was  an  Englishman.  The  chief  showed  us  the  presents  he 
had  given  him,  and  told  us  he  had  crossed  over  to  the  other 
side  of  the  river,  where  he  had  stopped  for  the  purpose  of 
passing  the  night.  We  took  with  us  two  Tensas  chiefs  as 
guides,  and  crossed  the  river.  We  found  him  occupied  in 
sketching,  and  he  was  much  surprised  to  see  us  approach,  armed 
with  muskets,  and,  yet  more,  when  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  informed 
him  that  he  had  an  order  to  arrest  and  conduct  him  to  Mobile. 


126  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1714.  He  observed  that  the  two  nations  were  at  peace,  that  they  could 
find  nothing  to  reproach  him  for,  and  that  if  it  were  exacted  of 
him  to  go,  it  must  be  done  by  force.  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE,  who 
had  orders  to  take  him,  dead  or  alive,  replied,  that  he  arrested 
him  in  the  name  of  the  King,  and,  at  the  same  time,  seized 
hold  of  him.  He  endeavored  to  make  some  resistance,  but 
uselessly.  We  embarked  him  in  one  of  our  canoes,  and  the 
fifteen  Ckoctaws  who  accompanied  him  followed  us,  as  did  also 
the  Taensas,  to  whom  we  abandoned  the  merchandize  found  in 
the  canoe  of  the  Englishman,  and  conducted  him  to  Mobile, 
without  stopping,  where  we  delivered  him  up  to  M.  DE  BIEN- 
VILLE,  as  M.  DE  LA  MoTTE  CADILLAC  had  gone  up  the  river 
among  the  Illinois. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE  gave  to  the  Tae.nsas  the  place  formerly 
occupied  by  the  Ckaouanons  (Sbawanees),  and  Taouatcbas,  two 
leagues  distant  from  the  fort.  The  English  officer  remained  at 
Mobile  but  three  days,  where  he  was  very  kindly  treated  by  M. 
DE  BIENVILLE.  He  was  then  set  at  liberty,  and  profitted  by  it 
to  visit  Pensacola,  where  he  was  also  kindly  received,  and  treated 
by  the  Spanish  Governor,  DON  GUZMAN.  He  left  Pemacola  to 
visit  the  Atibamons,  but,  having  fallen  upon  a  party  of  Thames 
hunters,  he  was  captured  and  slain.  We  heard  of  this  accident 
some  two  months  after.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  sent  home  the 
fifteen  Choctaws  who  had  accompanied  the  English  lord  in  his 
voyage  down  the  Mississippi.  Upon  their  arrival  at  their  village, 
they  did  not  fail  to  tell  that  the  Englishman  had  been  captured 
by  the  French;  whereupon,  the  Choctaws  killed  all  the  English 
dwelling  among  them,  and  pillaged  their  merchandize.  The 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  I2J 

other  nations  imitated  their  example,  so  that  the  evils  which  the       I7I4- 
English  had   planned   to  inflict  upon  the  French   reacted  upon 
themselves. 

The  Cboctaws  were  not  alone  in  committing  hostilities  against 
the  English,  for  the  Cherokees,  the  Abel  has,  and  the  Alibamons, 
who  live  in  the  vicinity  of  Carolina,  went,  to  the  number  of 
three  thousand  warriors,  to  invade  Carolina,  where  they  burned 
and  pillaged  a  great  number  of  dwellings,  made  many  prisoners 
of  men  and  women,  as  well  as  negroes,  and  brought  them  all  to 
their  villages.  When  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  received  this  informa 
tion,  he  immediately  provided  for  the  redemption  of  all  the 
English — men,  women,  and  children,  and  sent  every  one,  who 
desired  it,  back  to  their  homes.  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  DES  URSINS 
then  reascended  the  river  to  the  Natchez.  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE 
CADILLAC  returned  at  the  end  of  the  year  from  the  mines  in 
Illinois,  and  afterwards  sent  fifty  miners  there  to  commence 
mining  operations. 

The  twelve  Frenchmen  who  remained  among  the  Natchi- 
toches,  tired  of  waiting  the  return  of  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  and, 
falling  short  of  provisions,  came  to  Mobile,  with  the  merchandize 
entrusted  to  their  care.  The  Grand  Chief  of  the  Indians,  who 
dwelt  upon  the  borders  of  Carolina,  and  who  had  the  title  of 
Emperor,  came  to  Mobile  with  the  chiefs  of  the  other  nations, 
to  chant  the  calumet  of  peace  with  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADIL 
LAC.  The  principal  chief  of  the  Alibamons,  in  company  with 
the  Emperor,  proposed  to  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC  to 
make  peace,  and  construct  a  fort  among  them,  at  the  expense  of 
his  nation — such  a  one  as  the  French  should  desire.  He  took 


I28  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1714*  him  at  his  word,  and  sent  Captain  DE  LA  TOUR,  two  lieu 
tenants,  and  one  hundred  men,  to  their  country,  and  selected 
an  elevated  spot,  upon  the  banks  of  the  Coosa  River,  at  double 
the  distance  of  musket-shot  from  their  village,  where  the  Indians 
helped  them  to  construct  a  fort,  about  three  hundred  feet  square, 
with  lodgings  for  both  officers  and  soldiers,  and  a  large  magazine 
for  ammunition  and  provisions.*  We  have  always,  since,  pre 
served  this  fort,  which  we  called  Fort  Toulouse,  and  kept  it 
constantly  garrisoned  with  troops  and  munitions  of  war,  because 
it  is  situated  in  the  direct  route  in  going  to,  and  returning  from, 
Carolina  and  Georgia.  As  yet,  no  permanent  settlement  was 
made  at  the  Natchez. 


*  This  fort  was  built  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Coosa,  four  miles  above  the  junction 
of  that  river  with  the  Tallapoosa.  After  the  peace  of  1762,  it  was  occupied  by  the 
English.  In  the  war  of  the  United  States  with  Great  Britain,  in  1812,  General  JACK 
SON  built  a  new  fort  on  its  ruins,  which  took  his  name. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


I29 


CHAPTER     XI. 


T    the    end    of   the    year    1714,    M.    DE       1714 
TISSENET,  from  Canada,  arrived  at   Mo-  ~ 
bile,  to  enter  the  service  of  M.  CROZAT. 
He    brought   with    him    some    specimens 
of  minerals  (lead)  from  the  mines  in  the 
neighborhood    of    Caskaskias,    that     had 
been  given  him  by  some  Canadians,  in  which  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE 
CADILLAC    discovered     some    silver,    and     concluded    to    visit 
them    privately.       He    set    out,    accordingly,   for  the   Illinois,  in 
January,  1715,  to  explore  the  lead   mines   fourteen   leagues   to       17 1C. 
the   west   of  the   Mississippi,   and,   after  his   departure,  M.   DE  ~ 
BIENVILLE   took  measures  to   put  a  stop  to  the  English  trad 
ing  with  the   Choctaws,  and  other  Indian  nations  in  the  neigh 
borhood    of   the   French,   and   on    the    Mississippi.      In    July,   a 
boat  arrived   at  the  fort,  and  reported  that  several  Indian  tribes 
had  fallen  upon  the  English   trading   in   their  villages,  and  had 
massacred  a  number  of  them. 

On  the  1 5th  of  August,  a  brig  of  war,  the  Dauphine,  com 
manded  by  M.  BERRANGER,  arrived  at  Dauphine  Island,  with 
provisions  for  the  colony,  and  two  companies  of  infantry,  com- 

'7 


J3° 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 


1715.  manded  by  M.  M.  BAJOT  and  MARIGNY  DE  MANDEVILLE.* 
In  the  same  vessel  also  came  M.  ROGOEN,  to  relieve  M.  DIRI- 
GOIN,  one  of  M.  CROZAT'S  directors.  After  landing  the  troops 
and  provisions,  the  Dauphin  returned  to  France  with  M.  DIRI- 
GOIN,  and  dispatches  for  M.  CROZAT. 

In  the  meantime,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  received  orders  from  the 
King  to  commence  an  establishment  at  the  Natchez.  The  news 
that  four  Canadians,  descending  the  Mississippi  from  the  Illinois, 
had  been  assassinated  by  the  Natchez,  caused  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
to  hasten  his  departure  for  their  country.  He  had  ordered 
one  company  of  infantry  to  be  sent  there,  to  make  it  his  head 
quarters.  He  set  out,  accordingly,  and  arrived  at  the  fort  on  the 
Mississippi,  where  he  found  M.  M.  DE  PAILLOUX  and  DE 
RICHEBOURG  with  the  provisions  he  had  sent  from  Mobile,  and 
ordered  them  to  proceed  to  the  Tonicas,  a  post  which  had 
been  established  some  time  before,  two  leagues  above  the  mouth 
of  Red  River,  on  the  borders  of  a  lake,  where  they  arrived  on 
the  23d  of  April.  M.  DAVION,  the  missionary  at  the  Tonicas, 
warned  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  be  upon  his  guard  with  the  Tonicas. 
A  short  time  after,  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  DES  URSINS,  the  elder, 
descended  from  the  Natchez  to  Mobile,  and,  on  his  way  down, 
he  met  a  canoe,  with  four  Frenchmen,  who  were  ascending  the 
river  to  the  Illinois,  for  the  purpose  of  traffic.  Upon  their  arrival 
at  the  Natchez,  they  engaged  four  of  that  nation  to  assist  them 
on  their  voyage  up  the  river,  as  the  current  was,  at  that  time, 


*  This  officer,  whose  descendants  still  reside  in  Louisiana,  and  who  are  among  the 
most  distinguished  families  there,  afterwards  wrote  a  "  Memoire  sur  la  Louisianej"  which 
was  published  in  Paris,  1759. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  I^j 

very  rapid.      Upon   reaching   Petit   Gulf,  they  encamped   for  the       1716. 
night,   and,   while   asleep,   the    Indians    killed   them,   and   threw 
them  into  the  river,  and  then  descended  the  river  with  the  mer 
chandize  to  their  village,  where  they  made  a  division  of  it. 

I  was  at  the  Natchez  when  this  occurred.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
rejoined  them  at  the  Tunicas,  and  sent  a  Frenchman  to  inform 
the  Natchez  that  he  was  coming  to  form  a  settlement  among 
them.  After  receiving  the  calumet  from  the  Tonicas,  he  en 
camped  upon  an  island,  where  he  had  ordered  an  entrenchment 
to  be  made,  and  barracks  for  the  provisions  and  ammunition  he 
brought  with  him.  On  the  2/th  of  April,  three  Natchez  chiefs 
arrived,  and  presented  the  calumet,  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
rejected,  until  satisfaction  was  rendered  for  the  Frenchmen  they 
had  killed.  They  were  confounded  at  this  reply,  and  the  Little 
Chief  lowered  his  calumet,  and  raised  his  eyes  and  arms  to  the 
Sun,  and  invoked  the  forgiveness  of  M.  DE  BIENVILLE.  He 
then  presented  the  calumet  again,  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
refused,  until  the  White  Chief  and  accomplices  of  the  murder 
should  be  given  up,  and  placed  in  irons.  As  the  water  of  the 
Mississippi  continued  to  rse,  it  caused  a  great  deal  of  sick 
ness,  and  obliged  him  to  send  the  sick  to  the  village  of  the 
Tunicas,  which  was  upon  high  ground,  where  they  remained 
until  they  got  well.  On  the  lyth  of  May,  the  prisoners  pro 
posed  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  to  send  two  of  their  chiefs  to  the 
Great  Chief  of  the  Natchez,  for  the  heads  of  the  murderers. 
They  brought  him,  at  last,  the  head  of  the  brother  of  the  Great 
Chief,  called  the  Arrow,  who  was  one  of  the  murderers,  and  had 
been  a  great  disturber  of  the  public  peace.  The  punishment 


732  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 

1716.  of  this  chief  restored  peace,  and  it  was  now  stipulated  that  the 
Natchez  should  furnish  the  lumber  to  build  a  fort  in  their 
country  for  the  safety  of  the  French.  Thus  ended  the  first 
war,  or  difficulty,  with  the  Natchez.  The  work  was  now 
commenced  on  the  fort,  under  the  direction  of  M.  DE  PAIL- 
LOUX,  who  was  appointed,  by  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  commandant. 
On  the  22d  of  July,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  having  been  informed 
that  the  fort  was  almost  finished,  he  ordered  the  chief  of  the 
Tunicas  to  furnish  him  with  thirty  men  to  aid  him  in  ascending 
the  river,  which  was  still  very  rapid,  as  he  had  but  six  men 
remaining  in  health.  On  the  26th,  we  arrived  at  the  Natchez, 
and  the  Great  Chief  furnished  him  with  one  hundred  men  to 
remove  his  effects  from  the  canoes  to  the  fort.  The  next  day, 
we  placed  the  few  soldiers  who  remained  in  health  to  work 
upon  the  fort  until  the  2d  of  August,  when  it  was  entirely 
inclosed  ;  and  the  Natchez  covered  the  barracks,  store-house, 
guard-house,  and  magazine  with  bark,  which  was  finished  on 
the  5th.  On  the  25th,  about  thirty  Tasous  and  six  hundred 
Natchez,  without  arms,  came  to  dance  the  calumet  before  the 
fort,  to  show  their  joy  at  having  the  French  established  among 
them.  On  the  28th,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  seeing  that  all  was 
tranquil,  and  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Natchez,  gave 
instructions  to  M.  DE  PAILLOUX  what  to  do,  and  took  his 
departure,  the  next  day,  for  Mobile,  where  he  had  to  render  an 
account  to  M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC. 

On  the  4th  of  October,  he  arrived  at  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile, 
where  he  found  an  order  from  the  King,  appointing  him  com- 
mander-in-chief  of  the  colony,  during  the  absence  of  M.  DE 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA.  l^ 

I/EPINAY,  who  had  been  appointed  governor  in   place  of  M.  DE       1716. 
LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC. 

In  October,  M.  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  LE  ROY,  LA  FRENIERE, 
and  BEAULIEU  freres^  formed  a  commercial  partnership,  and 
purchased,  from  the  store  of  M.  CRO/.AT,  sixty  thousand  livres 
worth  of  merchandize  to  sell  to  the  Spaniards  in  the  kingdom 
of  New  Leon,  and,  on  the  loth  of  October,  they  set  out  from 
Mobile  to  go  to  Mexico. 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     X  1  I . 


1717 


N  the  gth  of  March,  1717,  three  of  M. 
DE  CROZAT'S  ships  arrived  in  the  roads, 
off  Dauphine  Island,  from  France.  The 
Duclos,  commanded  by  M.  DE  GOL- 
VILLE,  the  Paon,  by  M.  DUSANT-SAN- 
TILLE,  and  the  Peace,  by  M.  JARY.  They  brought  over  M. 
DE  L'EPINAY,  the  new  governor,  and  M.  HUBERT,  Intendant 
Commissary,*  to  succeed  M.  DUCLOS  ;  also,  M.  M.  D'ARTA- 

GUETTE,     GOURIS,     DuBREUIL,     GuENOT,     ARUTHS     DE     BoNIL, 

TREFONTAINE,  and  MOSSY,  who  came  to  establish  settlements 
in  Louisiana.  Having  heard  of  their  arrival,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
went  to  pay  his  respects  to  them,  when  the  new  governor  pre 
sented  him  with  the  Cross  of  St.  Louis,  which  his  Majesty  had 
sent  him  as  a  reward  for  his  distinguished  service  in  the 
colony.  The  arrival  of  the  new  governor  caused  much  dis 
satisfaction  at  first,  as  he  wished  to  enforce  new  regulations. 
On  the  25th  of  August,  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  returned  to  Mobile 
from  his  voyage  of  discoveries. 


*  The  Commissaire  Ordonnateur,  or  Intendant  Commissary,  was  an  officer  who  had, 
in  colonial  times,  an  extended  authority,  civil  and  military,  but  subordinate  to  that  of 
the  Governor. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ^5 

M.  M.  DE  L'EPINAY  and  DE  BIENVILLE,  seeing  there  was  no  I7I7c 
good  anchorage  for  ships  coming  from  France,  ordered  a  new 
fort  to  be  built  upon  the  main-land,  opposite  Ship  Island.  The 
place  selected  was  one  league  west  of  Old  Biloxi,  opposite  the 
anchorage  of  Ship  Island,  which  was  afterwards  called  New 
Biloxi.  The  transport  ship  Dauphine,  commanded  by  M.  BER- 
RANGER,  having  arrived,  and  brought  a  great  number  of  car 
penters  and  masons,  they  were  put  to  work  on  the  new  fort. 
Afterwards,  the  attention  of  the  colonists  was  also  directed  to 
the  choice  of  a  location  for  a  city,  on  the  right  bank  of  the 
Mississippi,  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  had  reported  to  the  new 
governor  as  the  most  favorable  location  for  a  great  commercial 
emporium. 

In  the  month  of  August,  1717,  a  company  was  formed  in 
France,  under  the  title  of  the  Western  Company  of  the  Indies,* 
and  M.  CROZAT'S  charter  was,  at  his  request,  revoked,  as  he 


*  The  plan  of  this  company  was  not  unlike  that  of  the  British  East  India  Company, 
and  possessed  powers  and  privileges  nearly  equal.  But  the  plunder  of  a  savage  wil 
derness  could  not  yield  such  immense  revenues  as  an  ancient,  wealthy,  and  effeminate 
empire;  hence,  the  reason  it  failed.  The  charter  had  a  legal  existence  of  twenty-five 
years.  It  was  authorized  to  monopolize  the  commerce  of  all  the  colonies  in  Neiv 
France ;  to  make  treaties  with  the  Indian  tribes;  to  declare  and  prosecute  war  agains't 
them  in  defence  of  the  colony;  to  grant  lands,  erect  forts,  levy  troops,  raise  recruits, 
and  to  open  and  work  all  mines  of  precious  metals  which  might  be  discovered.  It 
was  permitted,  and  authorized,  to  nominate  and  present  men  for  the  office  of  governor, 
and  for  commanders  of  troops,  and  to  commission  the  latter,  subject  to  the  King's 
removal;  to  remove  inferior  judges  and  civil  officers;  to  build  and  equip  ships  of  war. 
The  King  also  granted,  for  the  use  of  the  company,  all  the  forts,  magazines,  guns, 
ammunition,  and  vessels,  pertaining  to  the  province  of  Louisiana.  Among  the  obliga 
tions  imposed  upon  the  company  was  the  stipulation  to  introduce  into  Louisiana  six 
thousand  white  persons,  and  three  thousand  negro  slaves,  and  to  protect  the  colonists 
from  Indian  outrages.  See  Letters  Patent,  granted  to  this  company,  First  Series  "  His 
torical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  in,  pp.  49-50,. 


136 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1717*  had  expended  large  sums  of  money  without  deriving  any  profits, 
although  the  colony  had  increased  in  population,  and  several 
forts  had  been  erected.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Span 
iards  had  advanced  from  the  west  to  the  east  side  of  the  Rio 
Bravo  del  Norte.*  By  this  arrangement,  made  with  the  Western 
Company,  the  province  of  Louisiana  reverted  solely  into  the 
hands  of  the  King  of  France. 


*  In  the  last  two  years  of  Mr.  CROZAT'S  administration,  the  Spaniards  had  advanced 
from  the  mission  of  "  St,  John  the  Baptists,"  on  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Bravo  del 
Norte,  to  the  mission  of  "  San  Antonio  de  Bcxar,"  on  the  west  side  of  that  river,  and 
north-east  side  of  San  Antonio  River.  Advancing  still  further,  they  established  a 
mission  at  La  Bahia,  thirty  miles  north  of  the  Bay  of  St.  Bernard  (Matagorda},  which 
they  designated  "  Espiritu  Santo"  near  the  present  town  of  Goliad,  to  establish  their 
claims,  by  occupation  (primo  occupante},  to  the  province  of  Texas.  They  were,  how 
ever,  a  few  years  too  late,  as  the  French  had  already,  under  M.  DE  LA  SALLE,  in 
1685,  built  a  fort  on  St.  Bernard's  Bay,  and  took  possession  of  the  country  of  Texas, 
with  the  usual  formalities,  which  gave  a  complete  title  to  France.  These  are  the 
oldest  towns  in  Texas,  now  one  of  the  largest  States  in  the  American  Union.  Subse 
quently,  however,  and  during  the  Spanish  dominion  over  Louisiana,  after  the  treaty  of 
Fontainebleau,  in  1762,  they  established  the  mission  of  "  San  Miguel  de  Linarez" 
upon  the  banks  of  the  Adaies,  now  called  Spanish  Lake  $  also,  several  missions  among 
the  Assinais  (Cents)  Indians,  about  one  hundred  and  forty  miles  west  of  Red  River,  in 
the  region  designated  by  them  as  New  Philippine.  The  French  kept  a  jealous  eye 
towards  these  encroachments,  but  they  were  too  feeble  to  resist  them — although,  for 
more  than  thirty  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Spaniards,  they  kept  up  a  military  force, 
and  claimed  possession. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA 


1.37 


CHAPTER     XIII. 


N  the  gth  of  February,  1718,  three  ships  1718, 
of  the  Western  Company,  the  Daupkine, 
the  Vigilant,  and  the  Neptune,  com 
manded  by  M.  M.  DUPUIS,  ARNAUDIN, 
and  BERRANGER,  arrived  at  Daupbine 
Island,  and  brought  over  M.  DE  Bois- 
BRIANT  the  King's  lieutenant,  and  a  commission  for  M.  DE 
BIENVILLE,  as  governor.*  This  appointment  gave  general  sat- 


*  Sieur  LEMOYNE  DE  BIENVILLE,  the  second  Royal  Governor,  was  the  brother  of 
PIERRE  LEMOYNE  D'!BERVILLE,  the  first  Royal  Governor  of  Louisiana,  and  was  born  at 
Montreal,  Canada,  in  1672..  He  entered  the  military  service  of  France  at  an  early 
age,  and  distinguished  himself  as  a  brave  and  efficient  officer  in  the  capture  of  Fort 
Nelson  (Bourbon]  by  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  and  afterwards  in  a  brilliant  naval  engagement 
with  the  English,  in  Hudson's  Bay,  in  which  his  brother,  with  a  single  frigate  of  fifty 
guns,  sunk  an  English  frigate  of  fifty-two  guns,  took  a  frigate  of  thirty-two  guns,  and 
put  to  flight  one  of  thirty  guns,  in  September,  1697.  In  this  engagement  he  was 
severely  wounded,  and,  shortly  after,  sailed  for  France,  to  recruit  his  health,  where  he 
joined  the  expedition,  under  the  command  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  to  colonize  Louisiana. 

After  a  prosperous  voyage,  the  fleet  arrived  in  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  in  January,  1699. 
In  company  with  M.  M.  D'!BERVILLE,  DE  SAUVOL,  and  Father  ANASTASE,  he  set  out 
a  few  days  after,  in  two  boats,  in  search  of  the  Mississippi  river,  which  they  entered, 
and  explored,  as  far  as  the  Portage  de  la  Croix.  On  their  return  to  the  fleet,  M. 
U'IBERVILLE  ordered  a  fort  to  be  built  at  (Old]  Biloxi,  the  command  of  which  he 

18 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

isfaction,  as  no  one  better  knew  the  wants  and  resources  of 
the  colony.  The  first  act  of  his  administration  was  to  make 
arrangements  to  remove  the  head-quarters  of  the  colonial  gov 
ernment  from  the  sterile  lands  of  Biloxi,  Mobile,  and  St.  Louis 
Bays,  to  the  rich  country  bordering  on  the  Mississippi,  the  site 
for  which  he  had  selected,  and  sent  workmen  and  laborers 


gave  to  M.  DE  SAUVOL  DE  LA  VILLANTRAY,  a  young  and  accomplished  officer,  who  had 
accompanied  the  expedition. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE  was  appointed  second  in  command,  with  orders  from  his  brother, 
on  his  return  to  France,  to  visit  the  numerous  Indian  tribes  on  the  rivers,  bays,  and 
lakes  of  Louisiana,  and  secure  their  friendship  by  making  them  presents. 

In  August,  1701,  M.  DE  SAUVOL  died  of  yellow  fever,  and  was  succeeded  by  M.  DE 
BIENVILLE.  A  war  broke  out,  soon  after,  between  France,  Spain,  and  England,  which 
left,  for  a  while,  the  colony  unprotected  5  and  the  King  ordered  the  head-quarters  of 
the  colony  at  Biloxi  to  be  removed  to  Fort  Louis  de  la  Mobile. 

The  long  absence  of  M.  D'!BERVILLE  from  the  Gulf  of  Mexico,  who  was  ordered  to 
attack  the  English  towns  on  the  Atlantic  coast,  left  the  colony  unprotected  and  em 
barrassed.  The  government  of  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  which  encouraged  the  hostility  of 
his  enemies,  and  being  without  the  powerful  support  of  his  brother  at  the  Court  of 
France,  they  pushed  their  intrigues  so  persistently,  that  they  caused  his  removal  from 
office  in  1707.  His  successor  (M.  DE  MUEYS)  did  not,  however,  live  to  reach  the 
colony,  and  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  continued  in  command  till  the  transfer  of  Louisiana  to 
M.  CROZAT.  On  the  arrival  of  the  new  governor  (M.  DE  LA  MOTTE  CADILLAC),  M. 
DE  BIENVILLE  was  retained  as  lieutenant-governor,  and  was  ordered  to  form  settle 
ments  on  the  Mississippi  river  ;  and,  having  built  a  fort  at  Natchez,  he  returned  to 
Mobile. 

In  1717,  M.  DE  L'EPINAY,  the  new  governor,  arrived  from  France,  and  brought  M. 
D£  BIENVILLE  the  decoration  of  the  Cross  of  St.  Louis,  and  a  royal  patent,  conceding 
to  him  Horn  Island,  on  the  coast  of  Louisiana,  as  a  reward  for  the  eminent  services 
he  had  rendered  the  colony.  In  1718,  he  succeeded  M.  DE  L'EPINAY,  and  laid  out 
New  Orleans  as  the  future  capital  of  Louisiana.  In  the  meantime,  the  Spaniards  had 
quietly  advanced  from  Mexico  to  the  east  side  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  took  possession 
of  the  country  now  known  as  the  State  of  Texas.  It  was  impossible  for  him  to  check 
this  encroachment  of  the  Spaniards,  in  consequence  of  the  feeble  condition  of  the 
colony,  till  the  winter  of  1719-20,  when  he  dispatched  M.  DE  LA  HARPE  to  build  a 
fort  at  Natchitoches.  On  peace  being  restored,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  in  1722,  removed 
his  head-quarters  to  Neiv  Orleans,  and  emigrants  from  France  and  Germany  began  to 


LOU  IS  I  A  NA  AND  FLORIDA. 


j  30, 


there  the  year  before,  to  lay  the  foundation  of  the  future 
capital  of  Louisiana.  They  removed  the  trees  and  bushes, 
traced  the  streets  and  squares,  and  dug  drains  around  each, 
to  carry  off  the  waste  water  from  the  overflowings  of  the 
river  in  high  water;  and  also  threw  up  an  embankment  in 
front  and  around  the  city,  to  protect  it  from  inundation.  After- 


arrive  in  great  numbers.  The  Indians,  however,  began  to  be  very  troublesome,  and 
threatened  the  colonists  with  extermination.  The  forts  on  the  Yazoo  and  Mississippi 
rivers  were  attacked  in  large  force,  and  so  complete  was  the  massacre,  that  but  few  of 
the  colonists  reached  Neiv  Orleans. 

The  clamor  of  the  colonists  was  so  great  against  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  that  his  enemies 
succeeded  in  having  him  recalled  to  France.  He  was  succeeded  by  M.  PERIER,  who 
prosecuted  the  war  against  the  Indians  until  they  were  subdued.  But  it  involved  the 
Western  Company  in  an  enormous  debt,  which  following  so  closely  upon  the  failure  of 
the  financial  schemes  of  JOHN  LAW,  that  they  surrendered  their  charter  to  the  Crown, 
which  was  finally  accepted  in  17325  and  the  King,  seeing  the  precarious  situation  of 
Louisiana,  reappointed  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  who  was  then  in  France,  Governor,  and, 
early  in  the  autumn  of  1734,  he  arrived  in  New  Orleans,  where  he  was  received  with 
acclamations  of  joy. 

He  immediately  organized  an  army  to  punish  the  Chickasaivs,  and  attacked  them;  n 
their  strongholds,  but  was  repulsed,  with  considerable  loss.  He  returned  to  Neiv 
Orleans,  and,  in  the  spring  of  1737,  led  another  expedition  against  them,  in  which  he 
was  more  successful.  They  sued  for  peace,  agreeing  to  drive  out  the  English  traders 
from  among  them.  This  campaign  closed  his  military  and  civil  career  in  Louisiana. 
He  returned  to  France  under  a  cloud  of  censure  from  his  government,  although  he 
had  faithfully  served  his  country,  in  Louisiana,  for  more  than  forty  years.  In  the 
twenty-five  years  he  resided  in  France,  he  never,  however,  for  a  moment  lost  sight  of 
the  interests  of  the  colony.  He  sympathized  with  her  misfortunes,  and  rejoiced  in 
her  prosperity ;  and,  when  the  French  King  ceded  Louisiana  to  Spain,  in  1762,  he  did 
not  cease  to  implore  his  Majesty,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  not  to  place  his  subjects  in  the 
hands  of  the  tyrannical  Spaniards. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE  died  in  Paris,  on  the  7th  of  March,  1767,  and  was  buried  with 
military  honors  in  the  cemetery  of  Montmartre.  And,  although  more  than  a  century 
and  a  half  has  elapsed  since  he  founded  the  city  of  Neiv  Orleans,  no  monument,  not 
even  of  the  smallest  dimension,  has  yet  been  erected  to  his  memory,  nor  portrait  placed 
in  the  capitol  of  that  gallant  State,  to  remind  the  present  and  future  generations  of  one 
of  the  bravest,  best,  and  purest  men  that  ever  governed  Louisiana. 


j^O  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

17  J8.  wards,  agreeably  to  instructions  from  the  Western  Company, 
M.  DE  BIENVILLE  sent  a  detachment  of  fifty  soldiers,  under 
command  of  his  brother,  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUE,  to  take  posses 
sion  of  St.  Joseph's  Bay,  and  to  construct  a  fort  there,  which  he 
left  in  command  of  M.  DE  GOUSY,  and,  afterwards,  set  out  to 
visit  the  place,  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  which  he  had 
selected  for  his  head-quarters,  which  he  named  New  Orleans. 
The  Dauphine,  Vigilant,  and  Neptune,  returned  to  France,  and, 
on  the  6th  of  March,  the  ships  Duchess  de  Noailles,  and  the 
Marin,  commanded  by  M.  M.  DE  LA  SALLE  and  JAPY,  arrived  at 
Ship  Island,  and  brought  over  five  hundred  persons  to  estab 
lish  themselves  on  the  concessions.  The  first  of  those  conces 
sions  (grants  of  land)  was  that  of  M.  PARIS  DU  VERNAY,  under 
the  direction  of  M.  DUBUISSON,  who  brought  over  with  him  his 
brother,  two  sisters,  and  twenty-five  persons.  This  concession 
was  located  twenty-eight  leagues  above  New  Orleans,  on  the 
site  of  the  old  Baya-Ogoulas  village.  Besides  the  cultivation  of 
the  land,  the  raising  of  silk-worms  and  manufacture  of  silk  was 
to  be  established  ;  to  accomplish  which,  they  brought  over  a 
large  number  of  mulberry  trees. 

The  next  concession  was  that  of  M.  DE  MUEYS,  which  was 
placed  under  the  direction  of  his  two  nephews,  M.  M.  DE  LA 
LOIRE  DES  URSINS,  and  two  other  persons,  named  CHASTAN 
and  ROUE,  together  with  eighty  laborers  and  servants,  and 
located  on  the  site  of  the  old  Tensas  village.  Messieurs  BROS- 
SART  BROTHERS,  merchants  of  the  city  of  Lyons,  came  over  to 
locate  a  settlement  among  the  Natchitoches,  on  Red  River,  called 
the  St.  Jerome,  or  Natchitoches  River.  M.  BENARD  DE  LA 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  14  T 

HARPE,  of  St.  Malo,  also  came  over,  with  twenty-live  persons,  1718. 
to  settle  in  the  village  of  the  Cadodaquioux,  one  hundred  leagues 
above  Natchitoches.  M.  DE  LA  HOUSSAYE,  a  gentleman  of 
Picardy,  France,  with  fifteen  persons,  also  came  over  to  settle 
on  a  concession,  near  the  great  village  of  the  Natchez  (twelve 
miles  east  of  the  present  city  of  that  name),  on  a  little  river  (St. 
Catherine's  Creek],  which  now  belongs  to  the  author  of  these 
annals,  who  purchased  it  of  them.  M.  DE  CHANTOUS,  and  M. 
M.  LE  PAGE,  DU  PRATZ,  and  LEGRAS,  also  brought  over  eight 
persons  each,  to  settle  on  the  site  of  the  old  Choupitoulas  village 
above  New  Orleans,  on  the  same  side  of  the  river. 

M.  DE  BOISBRIANT,  who  arrived  in  the  Duchess  de  Noallles, 
brought  over  commissions  from  his  Majesty,  conferring  on  M. 
PAILLOUX  the  rank  of  major,  and  to  DIRON,  the  brother  of  M. 
D'ARTAGUETTE,  the  rank  of  captain  of  a  company  of  troops 
destined  for  the  Illinois,  and,  before  his  departure,  M.  DE  BOIS 
BRIANT  was  made  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis,  and 
Governor  of  Illinois.  In  the  beginning  of  October,  M.  DE 
BOISBRIANT  set  out,  with  several  officers,  to  go  to  the  Illinois. 
At  the  same  time,  M.  DE  LA  HARPE  embarked,  with  fifty  men, 
for  his  conncession  on  Red  River,  with  orders  to  establish  a  post 
there,  and  ascertain  the  number  of  Indian  tribes  in  the  country. 
M.  BARNAVAL  went  up  with  him  as  far  as  Natchez,  to  take 
the  place  of  M.  BLONDEL,  who  had  been  ordered  to  Natchi 
toches  to  relieve  M.  DE  TISSENET,  the  latter  being  ordered  to 
join  M.  DE  BOISBRIANT  at  the  Illinois.  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE 
accompanied  them  as  director  of  the  bureau  and  stores  of  the 
company. 


j^2  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

718.  At  the  same  time,  M.  DE   BIENVILLE  sent   M.  DE   LA  Bou- 

LAYE,  lieutenant,  with  thirty  men,  to  establish  a  fort  among  the 
Yasous.  Upon  his  arrival  there,  he  selected  an  elevated  situa 
tion,  about  four  leagues  from  the  mouth  of  that  river,  on  the 
right  hand  side  ascending,  and  only  a  short  distance  from  their 
village,  where  he  built  a  fort.  Some  days  after  the  departure  of 
M.  PIERRE  DUGNE  DE  BOISBRIANT  for  the  Illinois,  the  two 
ships,  the  Duchess  de  Noailles  and  Marin,  returned  to  France, 
taking  with  them  M.  M.  DE  I/EPINAY  and  D'ORTUS. 

M.  DE  BIENVILLE  received  a  letter  from  M.  DUBUISSON, 
who  was  in  charge  of  the  concession  of  M.  PARIS  DU  VERNAY, 
established  at  the  village  of  the  Bayagoulas,  that  there  was  no 
safety  upon  the  concession,  so  long  as  the  French  were  at  war 
with  the  Chetimaches.  Upon  this  information,  M.  DE  BIEN 
VILLE  sent  the  author  of  the  annals  of  Louisiana  among  the 
Chetimaches  to  negotiate  a  peace.  Although  this  commission 
was  a  perilous  one,  I,  nevertheless,  accepted  it,  because  I  spoke 
their  language  very  well,  and  was  acquainted  with  their  chiefs. 
I  did  not  go  directly  to  their  village,  but  went  to  the  Oumas 
first,  where  I  expected  to  meet  some  of  the  Chetimaches,  who 
often  came  there.  Nor  was  I  disappointed  in  my  conjec 
tures,  for  I  met  three  there,  and  informed  them  that  I  had 
instructions  from  Governor  DE  BIENVILLE  to  make  a  treaty  of 
peace  with  them.  They  appeared  delighted  with  this  informa 
tion,  because,  during  their  war  with  the  French,  they  were 
treated  as  enemies  by  all  the  other  nations,  who  every  day  sent 
out  parties  against  them,  and  destroyed  them  in  great  numbers. 
They  did  not  hesitate  to  follow  me  to  the  concession  of  M. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  143 

PARIS  DU  VERNAY,  whither  I  conducted  them,  about  seven  1718 
leagues  distant.  When  we  arrived  there,  M.  DUBUISSON  gave 
them  some  presents  for  their  chief,  and  supplied  them  with 
provisions  for  their  journey,  with  orders  to  return  within  ten 
days,  at  the  same  time  giving  them  a  bundle  of  sticks  to  count 
the  nights,  whilst  we  counted  the  days. 

They  did  not  fail  to  return  at  the  time  agreed  on,  but  they 
remained  upon  the  banks  of  their  river,  which  is  five  leagues 
from  the  concession.  Only  three  envoys  came  to  the  planta 
tion,  and  reported  that  the  principal  chief,  with  his  wife  and 
forty  Chetimaches,  were  waiting  to  consult  with  me  at  that 
place.  I  hesitated  a  little  about  going  there  alone;  but,  seeing 
that  no  one  would  accompany  me,  I  determined  upon  my  course, 
and  set  off  with  the  three  envoys.  As  soon  as  I  arrived  upon 
the  borders  of  their  river,  and  was  perceived  by  them,  they  set 
up  a  most  frightful  yelling.  I  then  began  to  suspect  treason, 
and  that  my  last  hours  had  come.  But  this  yelling  proved  to  be 
a  mark  of  joy  ;  for  the  Grand  Chief  gave  me  a  friendly  recep 
tion,  assuring  me  that  it  afforded  him  great  pleasure  to  see  me, 
and  that  he  and  all  his  nation  were  sincerely  desirous  to  make  a 
lasting  peace  with  the  French.  I  told  him,  to  arrive  at  that,  it 
would  be  necessary  to  go  to  New  Orleans^  and  chant  the  calumet 
of  peace  to  the  governor,  to  which  they  gave  their  consent. 
We  stopped  at  the  plantation  of  M.  DUBUISSON  for  a  supply  of 
provisions,  and  remained  here  all  night,  and,  next  morning, 
we  set  off  before  daylight,  and  descended  the  river  to  New 
Orleans,  where  we  remained  eight  days,  waiting  for  a  reply 
from  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  who  was  absent,  and  sent  word  to 


!44  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

M.  PAILLOUX  to  conclude  a  peace  with  them,  on  the  following 
terms : — 

ist.  That  we  should  not  restore  the  slaves  which  we  had 
taken  during  the  war  ;  but  that  they  should  deliver  up  all  the 
French  whom  they  had  captured,  or  who  might  be  found  in 
their  villages. 

id.  That  they  should  abandon  the  villages  where  they  now 
reside,  and  establish  themselves  upon  the  Mississippi  river,  in  a 
place  designated  for  them,  one  league  above  the  concession  of 
M.  PARIS  DU  VERNAY. 

They  accepted  these  terms,  which  they  faithfully  fulfilled  ; 
and,  in  fifteen  days  after,  they  came  with  their  families,  cattle, 
and  effects,  to  the  place  designated  for  them.  Before  leaving 
the  city,  M.  PAILLOUX  distributed  among  them  the  presents  set 
apart  by  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  with  which  they  were  highly 
pleased. 

This  arrangement  with  the  Chetimacbes  was  the  cause  of 
other  changes  being  made  among  the  Indian  tribes,  who  came 
afterwards  to  settle  on  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi.  Among 
the  first  were  the  Chaouacbas,  who  dwelt  about  twenty  leagues 
from  the  river,  who  came  and  established  themselves  three 
leagues  above  New  Orleans,  on  the  right  bank  ascending.  The 
Colapissas,  who  inhabited  the  northern  shore  of  Lake  Pontcbar- 
train,  also  crossed  over  to  the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
settled  thirteen  leagues  above  New  Orleans.  Those  nations  are 
very  industrious,  and  have  been  of  great  service  to  our  colonists. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


CHAPTER     XIV.     - 


N  the  lyth  of  March,  1719,  the  ship  of 
war,  le  Comte  de  Toulouse,  arrived  at  Dau- 
pbine  Island,  with  one  hundred  passen 
gers,  among  whom  was  M.  DE  LARCHE- 
BAULT,  director-general.  On  the  24th, 
M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  arrived  from  Mexico, 
where  he  went,  two  years  before,  to  recover  his  merchandize, 
which  had  been  seized  by  Don  Senor  RAIMOND,  a  captain  in 
the  service  of  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico.  The  Marquis  of  VAL- 
LERO,  who  had  succeeded  the  Duke  DE  LINAREZ,  received  him 
courteously,  and  promised  they  should  be  restored,  which  was 
done;  but,  soon  after,  Don  MARTIN  D'ALACORNE,  Captain- 
General  of  the  province  of  Lastekas  (Texas),  reported  that  he  had 
passed  through  the  province  without  reporting  himself;  that  the 
merchandize  did  not  belong  to  him,  and  that  he  was  a  suspicious 
character.  The  Viceroy  ordered  him,  therefore,  to  be  imme 
diately  arrested,  and  confined  in  prison,  until  some  of  his  wife's 
relations  hearing  of  it,  assisted  him  to  make  his  escape  from 
Mexico. 


1719, 


146 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1719.  On  the    igth   of  April,  the  ships   Marechal  de  Villars,  Count 

de  Toulouse,  and  the  Phillip,  under  the  command  of  M.  DE 
SERIGNY,  the  brother  of  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  arrived  at  Daupbine 
Island.  They  brought  over  M.  M.  VILLARDEAU,  LE  GAC,  and 
L'ARCHEMBAULT,  who  succeeded  M.  DE  RAGOEN,  as  directors, 
and  one  hundred  and  thirty  colonists.  Among  the  passengers 
were  M.  DE  MONTPLAISIR,  who  came,  with  thirty  persons,  to 
establish  a  tobacco  manufactory,  and  an  Irish  gentleman,  who 
brought  with  him  sixty  men,  to  establish  a  concession  on  the 
Ouachita  River,  eight  leagues  above  its  mouth,  in  ascending 
from  Red  River,  called  the  St.  Jerome,  or  Natchitoches.  M. 
CARTIER  DE  BEAUME,  who  had  received  the  appointment  of 
procureur-general  to  the  colony,  brought  with  him  all  his  family, 
and  thirty  persons,  to  make  a  settlement  on  Bayou  Choupic  (St. 
John's],  near  the  city  of  New  Orleans.  M.  M.  PELLERIN  and 
BELLECOURT  also  came  with  a  number  of  persons  to  make  a 
settlement  near  the  village  of  the  Natchez*,  on  the  banks  of  the 
little  river  (St.  Catherine's)  which  falls  into  the  Mississippi.  M. 
DE  SERIGNY  brought  over  on  his  ship  a  large  number  of  soldiers 
and  workmen,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  negroes,*  who  were 
sent  to  Daupbine  Island,  and  distributed  among  the  concessions; 


*  This  was  the  first  large  importation  of  Africans  made  into  Louisiana;  but,  for 
several  years  afterwards,  the  Western  Company  continued  to  send  from  three  to  five 
hundred  annually,  to  be  distributed  among  the  concessions,  as  they  were  the  only  labor 
that  could  stand  the  heat  of  the  climate.  It  had  been  successfully  employed  by  the 
English  in  Carolina  and  the  West  India  Islands,  in  the  cultivation  of  sugar,  rice,  and 
cotton.  In  order  to  regulate  the  treatment  of  slaves  among  the  planters,  the  Gover 
nor  (BIENVILLE)  drew  up  a  code  of  laws,  especially  in  reference  to  them,  which  he 
promulgated  in  1724..  See  "  Black  Code,"  published  in  First  Series  "  Historical 
Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol.  in,  pp.  89-94. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


'47 


also  the  news  that  war  had  been  declared  by  France,  on  the  1719* 
9th  of  January,  1719,  on  the  refusal  of  the  King  of  Spain 
to  sign  the  triple  alliance.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  immediately 
called  a  council  of  war,  who  agreed  to  make  an  attack  on  Pen 
sacola,  and  notified  the  colonists  to  hold  themselves  in  readiness 
for  the  expedition,  and  also  sent  messengers  to  all  the  Indians 
around  Mobile.  As  soon  as  these  orders  were  carried  out,  the 
governor,  and  his  brother,  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUE,  repaired  to 
Mobile,  placed  themselves  at  the  head  of  eight  hundred  French 
men  and  Indians,  and  marched,  by  land,  to  Pensacola,  while 
M.  DE  SERIGNY,  with  four  ships,  sailed  for  Pensacola,  and 
invested  it  on  the  I4th  of  May.  The  Spaniards  made  but  a 
slight  resistance,  and  soon  surrendered  their  fort  on  conditions, 
that  all  their  arms,  and  munitions  of  war,  cannon,  balls,  powder, 
muskets,  and  provisions,  should  remain  in  the  fort.*  The  gov- 


*  The  news  of  the  surrender  of  Pensacola  created  a  great  sensation  in  Spain  and 
Mexico.  The  Viceroy  immediately  dispatched  a  squadron  of  twelve  ships  of  war, 
carrying  eight  hundred  and  fifty  men,  under  the  command  of  Don  ALPHONSO  CARRAS- 
COSA,  to  invest  the  town  j  and,  at  sight  of  the  Spanish  fleet  entering  the  harbor,  a 
part  of  the.  garrison  deserted,  which  compelled  the  commander  to  surrender  without 
firing  a  gun.  After  this  victory,  the  Viceroy  of  Mexico  (the  Marquis  of  VALLERO), 
resolved  to  drive  the  French  out  of  Louisiana,  and  dispatched  a  fleet,  under  the  com 
mand  of  Don  CARRASCOSA  to  attack  Mobile  and  Dauphine  Island,  but,  finding  the 
brave  M.  DE  SERIGNY,  who  commanded  the  forts  and  troops  on  that  island,  prepared  to 
receive  his  attack,  after  a  few  days'  bombardment,  abandoned  the  enterprise,  and 
returned  to  Pensacola,  and  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  again  invested  Pensacola  by  land,  and  the 
brave  Count  DE  CHAMPMESLIN,  with  his  fleet,  attacked  it  by  sea.  The  French 
frigates  poured  a  brisk  cannonade  into  the  Spanish  fleet,  and,  in  a  short  time,  they 
surrendered.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  in  the  meantime,  attacked  the  town,  captured  it, 
and  took  twelve  hundred  men  prisoners  of  war,  dismantled  the  fortifications,  and 
returned  to  Mobile.  The  contest  was  now  over.  Peace  was  declared  on  the  lyth  of 
February,  1720,  and  the  contending  parties  laid  down  their  arms  in  the  Eastern  and 
Western  hemispheres,  and  Pensacola  again  became  a  part  of  the  Spanish  possessions 
in  North  America. 


j48  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

7T9*  ernor  then  returned  to  Mobile,  and  left  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUE  in 
command,  with  three  hundred  Frenchmen.  The  Indian  allies 
were  sent  home  with  presents,  and  M.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  and 
SERIGNY  sailed  back  in  the  Marecbal  de  Villars,  commanded  by 
the  Chevalier  DE  GRIEUX,  with  the  rest  of  the  troops,  in  trans 
ports,  to  Mobile  and  Daupbine  Island.  The  war  continued  to  rage 
between  France  and  Spain,  and  the  province  in  Louisiana  became 
involved  in  hostilities  with  the  settlements  of  the  Spaniards  in 
the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUE  held  possession  of 
Pensacola  but  a  short  time,  when  a  powerful  Spanish  arma 
ment  appeared  before  the  city,  and  compelled  him  to  surrender. 
They  afterwards  blockaded  Daupbine  Island  with  a  large  squad 
ron,  and  made  an  attempt  to  land,  but  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  had 
foreseen  this  event,  and  provided  against  it,  by  erecting  batteries, 
and  sending  for  his  Indian  allies  to  come  to  his  assistance.  M. 
DE  ST.  DENIS  being  at  Biloxi,  brought  over  a  great  number,  and 
many  also  came  from  the  concessions  on  the  Mississippi  river, 
so  that  the  Spaniards,  during  the  twelve  consecutive  days  they 
made  an  attempt  to  land  on  the  island,  were  repulsed.  A  Span 
ish  gun-boat  landed  at  a  place  in  Mobile  Bay,  called  Miragouin, 
where  they  plundered  a  quantity  of  merchandize,  but,  returning  a 
second  time  to  the  place,  a  party  of  Mobile  Indians  attacked  them 
and  slew  thirty  of  the  Spaniards,  and  took  seventeen  prisoners, 
whom  they  took  to  Mobile  and  clubbed  to  death,  and  threw 
their  bodies  into  the  bay.  The  Spaniards,  now  finding  their 
enterprise  unsuccessful,  returned  to  Pensacola.  On  the  6th  of 
June,  two  ships,  the  Duke  of  Maine,  and  Aurora,  arrived  at  Ship 
Island,  from  the  coast  of  Guinea,  with  five  hundred  negroes, 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA.  i^g 

who  were  sold  to  the  concessionaires.  On  the  1st  of  Sep-  17 1  o. 
tember,  the  King's  squadron,  of  four  ships  of  the  line,  com 
manded  by  M.  DE  CHAMPMESLIN,  consisting  of  the  Hercules  of 
sixty  guns,  the  Mars  of  fifty-six  guns,  the  Triton  of  fifty-four 
guns,  and  the  Union  of  forty-eight  guns,  besides,  a  smaller  vessel 
arrived  in  the  roads,  off  Dauphine  Island,  which  brought  eight 
hundred  and  thirty  men  and  officers  to  remain  in  Louisiana. 
He  immediately  notified  M.  DE  SERIGNY,  who  commanded  the 
forces  on  the  island,  to  assemble  his  troops.  On  the  2d,  M. 
M.  DE  SERIGNY,  DE  VILLARDEAU,  and  LE  GAC,  repaired  on 
board  the  admiral's  ship,  and,  after  several  conferences,  it  was 
agreed  to  attack  Pensacola  before  the  Spanish  squadron  from 
Vera  Cruz  could  reach  there. 

M.  DE  SERIGNY  immediately  advised  Governor  BIENVILLE  of 
the  plan  of  the  French  admiral  to  attack  that  city,  and  to  assem 
ble  his  troops,  and  march  by  land  to  assist  in  the  seige.  On 
the  1 5th,  the  squadron  set  sail  for  Pensacola,  and,  on  the  same 
day,  the  governor  set  out  for  Perdido  Bay,  in  a  shallop,  where 
four  or  five  hundred  Indians  had  assembled,  under  the  command 
of  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS,  who  took  up  their  march  on  the  arrival  of 
the  governor.  On  the  next  day,  they  invested  the  fort  at  Pen 
sacola,  and,  at  the  same  time,  M.  DE  CHAMPMESLIN  entered  the 
port.  The  forts  kept  up  a  brisk  firing,  but  when  he  arrived 
before  the  large  fort,  it  offered  no  resistance,  and  surrendered. 
The  commander  of  the  Spanish  squadron,  soon  after,  went  on 
board  the  admiral's  ship,  and  surrendered  his  sword,  which  was 
courteously  returned  him  ;  but  the  Spanish  Governor  of  Mata- 
moras,  who  went  on  board,  was  not  so  courteously  treated. 


j^O  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

He  was  immediately  disarmed  by  a  sailor,  for  which  he  was 
reprimanded  by  the  French  commander.  M.  DE  CHAMPMESLIN 
finding  but  fifteen  days'  provisions  in  the  place,  immediately 
shipped  the  Spanish  prisoners  to  Havana,  so  as  to  economize 
the  provisions,  and  to  recompense  the  Indians  for  their  services, 
he  permitted  them  to  plunder  the  two  forts,  after  which,  they 
were  totally  dismantled.  M.  DE  ST.  DENIS  gave  an  enter 
tainment  to  the  admiral  and  officers  of  the  French  squadron, 
before  whom  he  made  the  Indians  exhibit  their  war  dances. 
He  addressed  them  in  their  own  language,  and  exhorted  them 
to  remain  faithful  to  the  French.  After  this,  M.  DE  CHAMP 
MESLIN  distributed  among  them  numerous  presents,  with  which 
they  were  delighted.  M.  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  and  DE  ST. 
DENIS  returned  thanks  to  their  Indian  allies,  and,  afterwards, 
set  out  for  Mobile  and  Dauphine  Island.  As  the  forts  at  Pen- 
sacola  were  now  demolished,  and  it  was  only  a  frontier  post, 
they  only  left  a  sergeant's  guard  there,  to  give  notice  of  the 
approach  of  vessels  from  sea.  On  the  i6th,  M.  DE  CHAMP 
MESLIN  ordered  his  squadron  to  get  ready  to  sail,  and,  on  the 
2yth,  after  firing  a  salute,  they  put  to  sea.  On  the  next  day, 
they  anchored  off  Dauphine  Island,  and,  on  the  2Qth,  the  squad 
ron  set  sail  for  France,  followed  by  the  Mar'echal  de  Villars, 
and  the  Comte  de  Toulouse.  A  few  days  after,  the  transport 
ship  Maria  arrived  at  Dauphine  Island,  with  PHILIP  FRANCIS 
RENAULT,  son  of  PHILIP  RENAULT,  of  Consobre,  France,  and 
two  hundred  and  fifty  miners,  together  with  several  com 
panies  of  soldiers,  ammunition,  and  merchandize,  for  the  colony. 
The  captain  also  brought  letters  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  with 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  IDA. 


j  5  j 


instructions  to  order  a  number  of  flat-bottomed  boats  to  be 
built,  to  convey  a  large  number  of  persons  to  the  mines  in  the 
Illinois,  as  soon  as  they  arrived. 

In  October,  the  ship  Two  Brothers,  commanded  by  Sieur 
FRERET,  arrived  at  Ship  Island,  with  a  number  of  Germans, 
loaded  with  every  kind  of  merchandize  and  implements  of  agri 
culture,  which  were  removed  to  New  Biloxi.  This  was  the 
first  instalment  of  twelve  thousand  Germans  purchased  by  the 
Western  Company,  from  one  of  the  princes  of  Germany,  to 
colonize  Louisiana.  By  this  ship,  M.  DE  CHATEAUGUE  received 
the  appointment  of  lieutenant  of  the  King,  M.  DIRON  D'ARTA- 
GUETTE,  inspector-general,  and  M.  PAILLOUX,  major-general. 
They  also  received  the  news  that  the  Eastern  and  Western 
Companies  were  united  in  one,  by  an  edict,  dated  I2th  of  May, 
1719.  M.  D'ARTAGUETTE  was  ordered,  by  the  governor,  to 
remove  the  colony  from  Dauphine  Island  and  New  Biloxi,  to  the 
Mississippi,  as  it  was  impossible  to  improve  the  sterile  lands  of  the 
coast.  On  the  22d  of  November,  M.  DU  TISSENET  wrote  M. 
DE  BIENVILLE  a  letter  from  Caskaskias,  giving  an  account  of  his 
expedition  to  the  villages  of  the  Osages  and  the  Panis  (Pawnees). 
He  described  the  country  as  beautiful  and  well  timbered,  and 
that  the  two  rivers  from  the  west,  the  Osage  and  Blue  Rivers, 
emptied  into  the  Missouri.  In  travelling  west,  he  crossed  a 
great  many  streams  that  fell  into  the  Missouri.  The  Osages* 

*  From  the  earliest  times,  the  principal  part  of  the  great  Osage  nation  have  lived  on 
the  Osage  River^  and  were  well  known  to  the  French.  They  are  now  divided  into 
the  Great  and  Little  Osage  nation.  Their  primitive  name  is  Bar-har-cha,  and  are 
also  known  as  the  JVa-ivha,  Hu-z-xau,  or  Ous,  about  the  Arkansas  and  Osage  Rivers. 
The  Little  Osage  nation  formerly  resided  on  the  south-west  side  of  the  Missouri  River, 


152 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


17 1 9.  are  stout,  well  made,  and  great  warriors,  and  lead  mines  are 
abundant  in  their  counry.  The  distance  from  the  Osage  villages 
to  the  Panis  (Pawnees}*  villages  is  more  than  forty  leagues, 
in  a  north-west  direction,  and  he  had  to  pass  over  prairies  filled 
with  the  buffalo ;  and,  in  fifteen  days  from  thence,  he  reached 
the  PadoucasJ(  also  a  brave  and  warlike  nation.  Here  M. 


near  the  mouth  of  Grand  River,  but,  being  reduced  by  continual  wars,  they  were 
compelled  to  seek  protection  in  the  Great  Osage  nation,  with  whom  they  now  reside. 
They  are  a  remarkably  tall  and  manly-looking  race,  erect  and  well  proportioned. 
Their  complexion  is  between  an  olive  and  copper  color,  with  noses  large  and  aqui 
line.  They  are  fond  of  dress,  wear  ornaments  in  their  ears  and  on  their  arms,  and 
gracefully  cover  their  shoulders  with  a  buffalo  robe,  and  wear  moccasins  and  leggins. 
They  are  next  to  the  Sioux  in  population,  and  are  a  remarkably  brave  people.  A 
MS.  vocabulary  of  their  language,  by  Dr.  MURRAY,  is  deposited  in  the  American 
Philosophical  Society,  Philadelphia.  VICTOR  TEXIER  has  published  a  glossary  of  their 
language  in  his  "  Voyage  aux  Prairies  Osage  en  Louisiane  et  Missouri"  Paris,  18445" 
"  Reise  des  Prinzen  Maximilian  zu  Weide  in  Amcrika,"  Vol.  u,  p.  6375  J.  S. 
VATER'S  "  Analekten,  der  Sprachenkunde"  pp.  53—62 ;  BALBI'S  "  Atlas  Ethnographique" 
Tab.  415  "  Archaeologia  Americana"  Vol.  n,  pp.  305—3675  TONTY'S  "Memoir 
Addressed  to  the  French  Government  5"  "Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol. 
i,  pp.  52-80. 

*  The  Panis  (Pawnees),  formerly  a  numerous  and  warlike  nation,  now  reside  on 
the  Platte,  Kansas,  and  Arkansas  rivers.  They  were  divided  into  three  bands,  and  car 
ried  on  a  brisk  trade  in  buffalo  robes  with  the  French  and  Spaniards.  They  pass  most 
of  their  time  on  the  prairies  in  hunting  buffalo.  See  SAY'S  Vocabulary,  p.  42;  GAL- 
LATIN'S  Synopsis,  in  "  Archaologia  Americana"  Vol.  n,  p.  3055  "Transactions  of 
the  American  Ethnological  Sotiety,"  Vol.  n  ;  BALBI'S  "  Atlas  Ethnographique"  Tab. 
41;  "  Reise  des  Prinzen  Maximilian  zu  WeidcJ'  Vol.  n,  pp.  630-632;  "Historical 
Collections  of  Louisiana,"  First  Series,  Vol.  in,  pp.  59—62. 

j-  The  Padouca  Indians,  in  the  early  settlement  of  New  Mexico,  were  a  powerful 
and  numerous  nation,  but  had  almost  disappeared  when  the  French  came  to  Louisiana. 
They  laid  claim  to  a  large  tract  of  country  (according  to  DE  L'!SLE'S  map  of  1712, 
drawn  up  from  original  memoirs  and  narratives  of  early  explorers  in  the  country  east 
of  the  Rio  Bravo  del  Norte)  now  included  in  Texas  and  New  Mexico.  They  lived  in 
great  villages,  on  the  head-waters  of  the  Arkansas,  Red  River,  and  the  Colorado,  and 
could,  at  that  time,  bring  into  the  field  upwards  of  two  thousand  mounted  men.  They 
were  a  formidable  enemy  to  DE  SOTO  and  Moscoso,  in  attempting  to  reach  the  Rio 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  j  5  3 

DU   TISS^NET   took    possession  of  the    country,   and   erected   a       I7I9< 
column,  with  the  arms  of  the  King  placed   upon  it,  2yth  of  Sep 
tember,  1719. 


Bra<vo  del  Norte.  They  seem  to  have  given  their  name  to  one  of  the  branches  of  the 
Missouri,  which  is  still  called  the  Padouca  fork,  and  to  a  flourishing  town  on  the  Ohio 
river,  below  the  mouth  of  the  Tennessee.  They  were  the  Arabs  of  the  plains,  and 
being  constantly  at  war  with  other  nations,  they  became  very  much  reduced  in  num 
bers.  Most  of  them  removed  to  the  upper  part  of  the  river  Platte,  where  they  had 
but  little  intercourse  with  other  tribes.  They  afterwards  divided  into  small  bands, 
which  took  the  names  of  the  sub-divisions  of  the  Padouca  nation,  and  are  now 
known  only  under  the  appellation  of  Wetepahatoes,  Kiaiuas,  and  Kattekas,  who  still 
inhabit  the  country  over  which  the  Padoucas  wandered.  Previous  to  the  visits  of 
the  French  among  them,  they  had  no  fire-arms,  but  fought  on  horseback,  with 
shields,  and  bows,  and  arrows.  They  visited  the  Spanish  mining  settlements  in  New 
Mexico,  on  the  Rio  Grande,  and  exchanged  their  buffalo  robes  and  peltries  for 
gold  and  silver  coin,  of  which  they  knew  the  use,  and  also  for  gold  and  silver  orna 
ments  for  their  arms  and  necks,  to  which  they  were  appended  with  silver  chains. 
They  had  a  great  attachment  for  the  French,  with  whom  they  made  several  treaties, 
and  preferred  them  to  the  Spanish.  They  exhibited  nothing  barbarous,  or  cruel,  in 
their  disposition,  but  were  kind  and  magnanimous.  Their  religion,  manners,  and 
customs,  were  similar  to  the  other  tribes  of  the  west.  They  believed  in  a  Great  Spirit, 
and  future  state  of  reward  and  punishment.  When  a  Padouca  chief  died,  he  was  buried 
in  a  mound,  or  on  the  summit  of  a  high  hill,  in  a  sitting  posture,  with  a  buffalo  robe 
thrown  around  him.  After  death,  the  relatives  and  friends  of  the  chief  would  assem 
ble,  every  morning  and  evening,  to  howl  and  lament  his  loss,  and  the  women  would 
crop  their  hair,  as  a  token  of  their  mourning.  They  believed  that,  after  death,  they 
would  go  to  the  spirit  world,  where  there  was  plenty  of  buffalo,  and  where  they  would 
be  supremely  happy.  No  vocabulary  exists  of  this  once-powerful  nation.  A  few 
words  only  have  been  noted  by  writers  on  Indian  languages.  See  B.  SMITH  BARTON'S 
"  Comparative  Vocabularies  ;"  T.  SAY'S  "  Vocabularies  of  Indian  Languages  ;"  BALBI'S 
"  Atlas  Ethnographiqut  ,•"  J.  S.  VATER'S  "Analckten  der  Sprachcnkundc,"  Leipzig, 
1821  ;  "  Mithridates,"  Vol.  in,  p.  304. 


20 


154 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XV. 


1720.         ^^p^^^3J|   FTER   peace  had  been  concluded  between 

France  and  Spain,-  there  arrived  at  Ship 
Island,  in  February,  1720,  over  five  hun 
dred  emigrants,  who  were  distributed 
among  the  concessions,  with  great  prom 
ises  of  wealth  held  out  to  them,  to  induce  further  emigration. 
M.  HUBERT,  the  director-general  of  the  province,  now  aban 
doned  his  residence  near  New  Orleans,  and  went,  with  all  his 
family,  and  sixty  laborers  and  domestics,  whom  he  had  brought 
with  him  from  France,  to  locate  himself  on  land  at  the 
Natchez.  On  his  arrival  there,  he,  and  all  his  family,  took 
lodgings  with  M.  DE  LA  LOIRE  DES  URSINS,  director  of  the 
company.  The  next  day,  he  loaded  one  of  his  largest  batteaux 
with  merchandize  and  ammunition,  and  dispatched  it  to  M. 
PIERRE  DUGUE  DE  BOISBRIANT  at  the  Illinois.  After  he  had 
rested  himself,  he  visited  the  lands  on  the  borders  of  the  little 
Natchez  River  (St.  Catherine' j),  where  he  located  his  concession, 
and  erected  a  large  dwelling-house.  The  land  was  about  a 
league  from  Fort  Rosalie,  and  extended  into  the  prairies,  which 
he  ploughed  up,  and  sowed  with  french  wheat.  He  afterwards 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  j^r 

erected  a  grist-mill,  a  forge,  and  machine  shops,  to  manufac-  1720. 
ture  arms  and  agricultural  implements.  He  allowed  M.  DE 
MONTPLAISIR  to  locate  himself  also  on  land  about  a  league  from 
his  own,  for  the  purpose  of  planting  tobacco,  which  succeeded 
admirably  after  the  first  year.  On  their  route  up  the  river,  they 
met  with  M.  DE  LA  HARPE,  who  was  descending  the  Mississippi 
from  the  Cadodaquloux,  on  Red  River,  where  he  had  been  to 
establish  his  concession.  He  had  previously  visited  this  coun 
try,  in  1719,  and  built  a  fort  on  the  right  bank  of  Red  River 
(Natchitoches],  in  latitude  33°  55',  as  a  sign  of  the  jurisdiction  of 
France,  which  he  named  Fort  St.  Louis  de  Carlorette.  Having 
now  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Spaniards,  he  believed  it  to  be  to 
the  interest  of  the  Western  Company  to  explore  the  country 
which  had  been  pointed  out  to  him,  to  the  west  and  south 
west,  and,  by  this  means  to  effect  an  entrance,  by  treating  with 
the  Indians,  into  New  Mexico.  He  had  visited  the  prin 
cipal  chiefs  of  the  Heitans  (southern  Comanckes],  Tankaways, 
Tachies,  and  Assinais^  who  still  lived  in  a  state  of  nature,  and 

*  These  tribes  still  roam  over  the  prairies  of  Texas  to  this  day.  With  the  exception 
of  the  Dacotas  or  Sioux,  the  Comanches  are  the  most  numerous  and  troublesome  in  that 
State.  They  are  divided  into  three  grand  divisions,  or  tribes,  and  are  designated  as 
the  Tankaivays,  TTamparacks,  and  Comanches,  and  these  are  again  divided  into  smaller 
bands.  The  division  known  as  the  "Southern  Comanches,''''  permanently  reside  in 
Texas,  and  live  by  hunting  and  plunder.  Their  range  extends  from  the  Red  River  to 
the  Colorado.  They  number  about  fifteen  hundred  warriors,  and  are  constantly  in  the 
saddle.  They  never  remain  in  the  same  place  more  than  a  few  days,  but  follow  the 
buffalo.  They  generally  kill  them  with  a  spear,  which  they  throw  with  unerring  aim. 
They  are  good  horsemen,  and  select  them,  for  their  fleetness,  from  droves  of  wild 
horses,  which  cover  the  plains.  They  have  tents  made  of  neatly-dressed  buffalo-skins, 
fashioned  in  the  form  of  a  cone,  sufficiently  large  to  accommodate  fifty  or  sixty  persons. 
When  they  stop,  they  pitch  them  in  exact  order,  so  as  to  form  squares  and  streets, 
which  have  the  appearance  of  a  town. 


i56 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 


720.  by  hunting,  used  the  buffalo-skin  for  a  covering.  In  general, 
he  found  them  much  more  athletic  and  better  formed  than  those 
tribes  living  on  the  Mississippi  river. 


Their  native  language,  in  sound,  differs  from  the  language  of  any  other  nation,  and 
no  one  can  easily  learn  to  speak  it.  They  have  also  a  language  of  signs,  by  which 
they  converse  among  themselves.  They  are  also  called  Hietans,  Jetans,  and  Padoucas. 
A  Comanche  vocabulary  has  been  collected  by  the  Hon.  J.  R.  BARTLETT,  also  by  J. 
CHISHOLM,  a  Cherokee,  and  by  R.  S.  NEIGHBOURS.  Colonel  MARCY  also  collected  a 
vocabulary  in  his  expedition  to  the  Red  River  country.  Dr.  H.  BERGHAUS'  "  Uber  die 
Vcr-wandtschaft  der  Schoschoncn,  Komantshen,  und  Apachcn  in  :  Physickalischer  Atlas  ,• 
Geographisches  Jahr  buck"  1851. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


'57 


CHAPTER     XVI. 


N  the  3d  of  January,  1721,  the  ships  La  1721 
Gironde  and  La  Volage  arrived  at  Ship 
Island  with  about  three  hundred  persons 
for  the  concessions  of  M.  LE  BLANC 
and  Count  BELLEVILLE,  on  the  Tazoo 
River,  and  Mme.  MEZIERES,  on  the 

Bay  of  St.  Louis,  and  Mme.  CHAUMONT,  on  Pascagoula  Bay. 
On  the  5th,  the  ship  La  Baleine  also  arrived  with  a  number  of 
passengers,  and  eighty  young  women,  who  were  sent  over  at  the 
request  of  the  directors,  who  thought  it  was  impossible  to  make 
a  solid  establishment  without  them.  They  were  selected  by  the 
bishop  from  one  of  the  public  institutions  of  Paris,  and  had  been 
brought  up  and  educated  there  from  their  childhood.  They 
were  placed  by  him  under  the  charge  of  three  nuns — Sisters 
GERTRUDE,  LOUISE,  and  BERGERE.  Each  one  was  provided 
with  a  marriage  outfit,  and  was  not  to  marry  without  the  con 
sent  of  Sister  GERTRUDE.  In  a  short  time  after  their  arrival, 
they  were  disposed  of  to  good  advantage,  with  a  request  from 
the  colonists,  that  the  company  would  continue  their  favors. 
On  the  yth,  the  ship  Seine  arrived,  with  sixty  persons,  for  the 


158  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

721.  concession  of  the  Marquis  D'ANCENIS,  at  the  Houmas.  A  few 
days  after,  the  governor  dispatched  M.  DE  LA  HARPE,  in  an 
armed  vessel,  to  the  river  Madeline,  with  soldiers,  workmen, 
merchandize,  and  provisions,  to  make  a  settlement,  and  build  a 
fort  on  that  river.*  On  arriving  there,  he  found  a  large  body 
of  natives  entrenched  on  its  banks,  and  opposed  to  his  landing, 
although  he  assured  them,  through  an  interpreter,  that  he  came 
there  to  be  their  friends.  They  replied,  that  they  were  satisfied 
with  their  condition,  and  did  not  wish  to  make  any  alliance. 
At  length,  he  prevailed  upon  some  of  them  to  go  with  him  to 
Biloxi,  to  see  the  governor,  who  made  them  some  presents,  and 
afterwards  returned  to  their  homes. 

On  the  3d  of  February,  the  frigate  La  Mutine,  commanded 
by  the  Sieur  DE  MARTONNE,  arrived  at  Ship  Island,  with  three 
hundred  and  forty-seven  Swiss  troops,  who  were  distributed 
among  the  different  posts. f  By  this  ship,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE 
received  a  letter,  which  had  been  written  by  the  Western  Com 
pany,  on  the  3 ist  of  October,  1720,  informing  him  that  "It 
was  with  regret  they  had  heard  of  a  disagreement  between  him 

*  Probably  the  Sabine,  which  now  divides  the  States  of  Texas  and  Louisiana.  See 
"  Carte  de  la  Lo'uisiane,  1712,  dresse  sur  un  grand  nombre  de  Memoire  par  Guillaume  de 
risle  de  r Academic  Royale  des  Sciences,"  in  "Historical  Collections  of  Louisiana,"  Vol. 
n.  Philadelphia,  1850. 

f  At  this  period,  Louisiana  was  divided  into  nine  civil  and  military  posts,  or  dis 
tricts,  viz.  :  Biloxi,  Mobile,  Alibamons,  Natche-z,  Tasos,  Natchitochcs,  Nciv  Orleans, 
Arkansas,  and  Illinois,  over  which  a  commander  and  a  judge  was  appointed,  and  three 
ecclesiastical  districts.  The  first  was  entrusted  to  the  Capuchins,  and  extended  from 
the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  to  the  Illinois  ,•  the  second,  the  Carmelites,  whose  juris 
diction  extended  from  Mobile  to  the  Alibamons ;  and  the  third,  to  the  Jesuits,  whose 
jurisdiction  extended  over  the  immense  territory  washed  by  the  Ohio,  Illinois,  Missis 
sippi,  and  its  tributaries. 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  ID  A.  j  5  g 

and  the  director-general  of  the  company,  and  that  the  King  1721 
believed  him  to  be  in  fault.  It  was,  however,  contemplated  to 
appoint  another  director,  which  they  hoped  would  prevent  any 
future  disagreement  in  regard  to  the  government  of  the  prov 
ince."  M.  LE  BLANC,  minister-of-war,  wrote  him,  also,  at  the 
same  time,  another  letter  of  the  same  purport,  which  so  cha 
grined  him,  that  he  immediately  wrote,  in  reply,  that  the  condi 
tion  of  the  affairs  of  the  province  was  not  his  fault,  but  he  hoped 
the  new  appointment  of  a  director  would  make  everything  work 
better.  The  governor  also  received  news  from  France  of  the 
failure  of  the  great  financier  and  banker,  JOHN  LAW,  the  comp 
troller-general  of  finances  of  France,  who  had  left  the  kingdom.* 
On  the  1 4th  of  February,  the  frigate  Mar'echal  d*  Estrees 
arrived  at  Ship  Island,  with  one  hundred  and  seventy-five  negro 
men,  women,  and  children,  from  Africa,  who  were  landed  at 

*  The  failure  of  LAW'S  financial  scheme  fell  heavily  upon  Louisiana.  The  rapid 
expansion  of  the  circulating  medium  throughout  the  province  during  the  first  three 
years  of  his  banking  operations  in  France,  and  the  consequent  sudden  prostration  of 
all  business  in  Louisiana,  brought  ruin  upon  the  province,  and  checked  its  advance 
ment.  The  remote  settlements  in  upper  and  lower  Louisiana  were,  in  a  great  meas 
ure,  deserted  by  the  starving  colonists,  and,  from  time  to  time,  they  returned  to 
France,  or  made  settlements  nearer  Neiv  Or/cans.  The  extensive  grant  of  M.  LAW  on 
the  Arkansas  River,  principally  settled  by  Germans,  was  soon  deserted  ;  and,  to  induce 
them  not  to  leave  the  province,  land  was  allotted  to  them  on  both  sides  of  the  Missis 
sippi  above  Nc<w  Orleans,  which,  to  this  day,  is  known  as  the  German  Coast  of  Louisi 
ana.  Concerning  the  modus  operandi  of  LAW'S  celebrated  financial  system,  which 
brought  ruin  on  France  as  well  as  Louisiana,  as  a  whole,  consult  the  works  of  LAW; 
DUTOT'S  "  Reflexions  politiques  sur  les  finances,  et  le  commerce.  Histoire  du  Systems  des 
Finances  en  1719—1720;"  Louis  BLANC'S  "Histoire  de  la  Revolution  fran$aise,"  Vol. 
i,  Book  u,  Chap,  vii,  which  is  an  eloquent  panegyric  on  the  system  and  its  author; 
A.  THIERS'  (the  French  historian)  memoir  of  LAW  and  the  Mississippi  bubble,  which 
is  one-sided  and  partial  ;  FORBONNAIS'  "  Recherche*  et  considerations  sur  les  finances  des 
France.'''' 


j6o  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

IJ21.  Biloxi,  and  afterwards  distributed  among  the  concessions  and 
inhabitants  of  New  Orleans.  On  the  lyth,  the  frigate  f  Afri- 
cane,  and,  on  the  23d,  the  frigate  Le  Due  de  Maine  arrived,  with 
over  six  hundred  negroes,  which  were  distributed  among  the 
concessionaires  (grantees),  and  sent  up  the  Mississippi  river  to 
the  concessions.  M.  DE  PAUGER,  the  engineer,  who  had 
returned  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi  river,  reported  that 
he  had  found  a  bar  of  soft  mud  across  one  of  its  mouths,  which 
was  formed  by  the  meeting  of  the  tide  of  the  sea  and  current  of 
the  river,  which  is  here  Very  sluggish,  and  proposed  to  establish 
a  fort  on  the  island,*  at  the  Belize,  where  large  ships  could 
anchor  in  safety. 

M.  HUBERT,  desiring  to  resign  his  office  and  return  to 
France,  sold  his  concession  (grant)  of  land  at  the  Natchez  to 
M.  DUMANOIR,  who  purchased  it  for  M.  COLIS,  and  retained 
the  workmen  upon  it  on  the  same  terms  paid  by  M.  HUBERT. 
On  the  24th  of  May,  M.  DUGUE  DE  BOISBRIANT,  commandant 
at  the  Illinois,  wrote  to  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  that  he  had  been 
informed  that  three  hundred  Spaniards  had  left  Santa  F'e,  New 
Mexico,  for  the  purpose  of  driving  the  French  out  of  Louisiana, 
but  they  were  attacked  by  the  Osage  and  Pants  Indians,  and 
driven  back  to  Santa  F'e.  On  the  25th,  the  ships  La  Ealelne, 
La  Gironde,  Le  Due  de  Maine,  and  f  Africalne,  sailed  for  France. 
A  number  of  passengers  returned  to  France  on  the  Baleine, 
among  whom  was  Sister  GERTRUDE,  who  was  so  much  pleased 

*  This  island  was  called  Toulouse,  on  which  M.  DE  BIENVILLE  afterwards  ordered  a 
fort  to  be  built,  which  is  now  about  three  miles  from  the  mouth  of  the  Mississippi, 
showing,  in  the  last  hundred  and  fifty  years,  a  gradual  encroachment  of  land  upon  the 
Gulf  of  Mexico. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  j6l 

with    finding    husbands    for    so    many    young   women,    that    she       1721 
promised   those   who   could   not   obtain   a   wife,   to   return   soon 
again  on  the  same  mission.* 

On  the  1 5th  of  July,  the  frigate  La  Venus,  commanded  by 
M.  DUMOULEN,  arrived  at  Ship  Island,  with  M.  DUVERGIER, 
director-general,  M.  DE  LA  HARPE,  and  M.  DE  LA  GRAVE, 
director  of  the  concessions  of  M.  LE  MARQUIS  DE  MEZIERES. 
She  also  brought  the  Cross  of  St.  Louis  for  M.  M.  DE 
CHATEAUGUE  and  DE  BOISBRIANT. 

It  was,  at  this  period,  the  author  of  these  annals  was  attacked 
with  inflammation  of  the  eyes,  and  partially  lost  his  sight,  and, 
having  tried  every  means  to  effect  a  cure,  he  was  advised  by  the 
governor-general  of  the  province,  M.  DE  BIENVILLE,  to  go  to 
France  for  medical  treatment.  He,  accordingly,  took  his  passage 
on  board  the  ship  Mar'ecbal  d'  Estrees,  and  sailed  for  France  on 
the  6th  of  October,  1721. f 


*  We  do  not  hear  of  Sister  GERTRUDE  again ;  but  an  agreement  was  subsequently 
entered  into  with  the  Ursuline  nuns  of  Paris,  and  the  Company  of  the  Indies,  in 
1727,  to  come  to  Necw  Orleans,  to  reside  permanently,  for  a  different  purpose.  They 
agreed  to  take  charge  of  the  Charity  Hospital,  and  establish  a  convent  for  the  instruc 
tion  of  females.  This  ancient  building  was  occupied  for  more  than  a  century,  when  a 
more  splendid  and  commodious  convent  was  erected,  three  miles  below  the  city,  on 
the  bank  of  the  river,  where  every  branch  of  female  education  is  well  taught.  See 
First  Series  "  Historical  Collections,"  Vol.  m,  pp.  79-83. 

f  As  we  hear  no  more  of  M.  PENICAUT  after  he  arrived  in  France,  it  is  probable 
that  he  died  there  under  medical  treatment.  The  "  Annals  of  Louisiana,"  which  he 
left  behind  in  manuscript,  found  its  way  into  the  King's  library,  and  is  an  important 
record  of  what  took  place  in  that  country  for  more  than  twenty  years  after  the  arrival 
of  the  expedition  of  D'!BERVILLE.  CHARLEVOIX  refers  to  it  in  his  travels  in  New 
France  as  a  work  of  merit,  and  affording  him  important  information  which  he  could 
not  obtain  elsewhere. 


21 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1721.  To  all   those   who  read   these  "Annals,"  it  will   appear   that 

GOD,  in  his  wisdom,  had  designed  Louisiana  for  the  French,  to 
show  forth  the  power  of  the  holy  Catholic  religion,  and  to  estab 
lish  a  French  empire  in  America,  where  the  glory  of  his  most 
Christian  Majesty  might  be  displayed.  GOD  was  wearied  with 
the  exhibition  of  the  unheard-of  cruelties  of  the  natives,  which 
they  inflicted  on  each  other  in  their  wars,  and  he  wished  to 
place  Christian  rulers  over  them  to  arrest  their  wickedness. 
Since,  therefore,  we  cannot  but  recognize  the  hand  of  GOD  in 
what  he  has  done  in  Louisiana,  we  will  now  close  these  "An 
nals"  in  the  language  of  the  prophet:  — 


be  tije  name  of  tf)e  iLortr  our  (Sotr 
toijo  alone  ijas  fcone  all  tijese  toonierful  toorfcs  ; 
mag  ijis  name  be  praiseir  for  eber  anlr  eber  ;  anir 
mag  tfje  tofjole  eartlj  be  tilled  totrtj  Jjts  ©lots." 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS 


RELATING    TO    THE 


FIRST     DISCOVERY     AND     SETTLEMENT 

OF 

FLORIDA, 

WITH    HISTORICAL    AND    BIOGRAPHICAL    NOTES. 


FIRST    ATTEMPT    OF    THE    FRENCH 

(The   Huguenots} 
TO 

COLONIZE    THE    NEWLY    DISCOVERED    COUNTRY    OF 


FLORIDA. 


BY     RENE     LAUDONNIERE 


INTRODUCTION. 


HAT  part  of  the  earth  which  we,  at  this       11:62. 
day,  call   the  fourth   part  of  the  world,  in  "~ 
America,  is   rather  the  West   Indies,  was 
unknown   unto  our   ancestors,  by   reason 
of   the   great    distance    thereof.      In    like 
manner,  all  the  Western  Islands  and   Fortunate   Isles,  were  not 
discovered  but  by  those  of  our  age.      Howbeit,  there  have  been 


NOTE. — This  "  History  of  the  First  Attempt  of  the  French  (the  Huguenots)  to 
Colonize  the  Newly  Discovered  Country  of  Florida,"  was  translated  by  RICHARD 
HAKLUYT,  in  his  quaint  English,  from  a  work  entitled,  "  Histoire  notable  de  la  Floride 
situee  en  Indes  occidentals  ;  contenant  les  troys  -voyages  fails,  icelles  par  certains  cafitaines 


j66  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  some  which  have  said  that  they  were  discovered  in  the  time  of 
AUGUSTUS  CJESAR,  and  that  VIRGIL  hath  made  mention,  thereof, 
in  the  first  book  of  his  "  ^Eneid,"  when  he  saith,  "there  is  a  land 
beyond  the  stars,  and  the  course  of  the  year  and  of  the  sun,  where 
Atlas,  the  porter  of  heaven,  sustaineth  the  pole  upon  his  shoulders." 
Nevertheless,  it  is  easy  to  judge  that  he  meaneth  not  to  speak 
of  this  land,  whereof  no  man  is  found  to  have  written  before  his 
time,  neither  yet  above  a  thousand  years  after.  CHRISTOPHER 
COLON  did  first  light  upon  this  land  in  the  year  1492;  and,  five 
years  after,  AMERICUS  went  thither,  by  the  command  of  the 
King  of  Castile,  and  gave  unto  it  his  own  name,  whereupon, 
afterward,  it  was  called  America.*  This  man  was  very  well 
seen  in  the  art  of  navigation  and  in  astronomy,  whereby  he 


et  pilotes  Francois  descrits  far  Ic  Capitaine  RENE  LAUDONNIERE,  qui  y  a  command's 
respace  d*un  an  troys  moys  j  a  laauelle  a  este  adjoust'e  un  quatriemc  voyage  par  le 
Capitaine  GOURGUES.  Mise  en  lumiere  par  MARTINE  BASANIER."  Paris,  1586. 
"  The  translation  of  this  history  into  English,"  says  the  old  chronicler  and  anti 
quarian,  ANTHONY  WOOD,  author  of  "  Historia  et  Antiquitates  Uni-versitatis  Oxoniensis^ 
"  is  an  honor  to  the  realm  of  England,  because,  possibly,  many  ports  and  islands  in 
America  that  are  bare  and  barren,  and  only  bear  a  name  for  the  present,  may  prove 
rich  places  in  future  time." 

If  the  old  antiquarian  could  now  but  throw  off  the  cerements  of  the  grave,  and 
behold  the  forty  millions  of  prosperous  and  independent  people  of  different  races  who 
fill  the  sea-ports,  islands,  cities,  towns,  and  country,  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific 
shores  of  the  North  American  continent,  he  might,  indeed,  claim  the  credit  of 
being  a  prophet,  which  no  one  would  dispute. 

*  The  first  land  discovered  by  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS,  in  1492,  was  the  Island  of 
San  Salvador  (Guanahani^,  one  of  the  West  India  group.  It  was  not  until  his  third 
voyage,  in  1498,  that  he  discovered  the  main-land  of  the  continent  of  South  America, 
one  year  after  the  CABOTS  had  coasted  the  shores  of  the  North  American  continent,  and 
explored  Newfoundland.  In  1501,  AMERICUS  VESPUCIUS  discovered  the  main-land  of 
the  South  American  continent,  and,  in  1512,  JUAN  PONCE  DE  LEON  discovered 
Florida,  which  he  took  possession  of  in  the  name  of  the  Castilian  sovereigns.  See 
GOMARA'S  "  Hist,  de  las  Indias  Occidental  S,"  Chap.  45,  p.  32. 


L  0  U  IS  I  AN  A  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  l  6  7 

discovered,  in  his  time,  many  lands  unknown  unto  the  ancient  1562. 
geographers.  This  country  is  named,  by  some,  the  land  of 
Brazil,  and  the  land  of  Parots.  It  stretcheth  itself,  according 
unto  POSTELL,  from  the  one  pole  to  the  other,  saving  at  the 
Straits  of  iMagellan,  whereunto  it  reacheth  fifty-three  degrees 
beyond  the  Equator. 

I  will  divide  it,  for  the  better  understanding,  into  three  prin 
cipal  parts;  that  which  is  toward  the  pole,  Artie,  or  the  north  is 
called  New  France,  because,  that  in  the  year  1524,  JOHN  VER- 
RAZZANO,  a  Florentine,  was  sent,  by  King  FRANCIS  I,  and  by 
Madam  the  Regent,  his  mother,  unto  these  new  regions,  where 
he  went  on  land  and  discovered  all  the  coast  which  is  from  the 
Tropic  of  Cancer,  to  wit :  from  the  eight-and-twentieth  unto 
the  fiftieth  degree,  and  farther  unto  the  north.  He  planted,  in 
this  country,  the  ensigns  and  arms  of  the  King  of  France;  so 
that  the  Spaniards  themselves,  which  were  there  afterward,  have 
named  this  country  Terra  Francesca.  The  same  then  extendeth 
itself  in  latitude  from  the  twenty-fifth  degree  unto  the  fifty- 
fourth,  toward  the  north,  and  in  longitude  from  210  unto  330. 
The  eastern  part,  thereof,  is  called,  by  the  late  writers,  "The 
land  of  Norumbega,"  which  beginneth  at  the  Bay  of  Gama, 
which  separateth  it  from  the  Isle  of  Canada,  whither  JACQUES 
CARTIER  sailed  the  year  1535.  About  the  which  there  are 
many  islands,  among  which  is  that  which  is  named  Terra  de 
Labrador,  stretching  toward  Greenland.  In  the  western  part, 
there  are  many  known  countries,  as  the  regions  of  tjtuivira^ 
Civola,  Astatlan,  and  Terlichichmici.  The  southern  part  is  called 
Florida,  because  it  was  discovered  on  Palm-Sunday,  which  the 


]68  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.       Spaniards  call  Pascha  Florida.      The   northern   part  is  altogether 
unknown. 

The  second  part  of  all  America  is  called  New  Spain.  It 
extendeth  from  the  Tropic  of  Cancer,  in  twenty-three  degrees 
and  a  half,  unto  the  ninth  degree.  In  the  same  is  situated  the 
city  of  Themistitan ;  and  it  hath  many  regions,  and  many  islands 
adjoined  unto  it,  which  are  called  the  Antilles,  whereof  the  most 
famous  and  renowned  are  Hispaniola  and  Isabella,  with  an  infinite 
number  of  others.  All  this  land,  together  with  the  Bay  of 
Mexico,  and  all  the  islands  aforesaid,  have  not  in  longitude  past 
seventy  degrees,  to  wit  :  from  the  two  hundred  and  fortieth  unto 
three  hundred  and  ten  ;  it  is  also  long  and  narrow,  as  Italy. 

The  third  part  of  America  is  called  Peru.  It  is  very  great, 
and  extendeth  itself  in  latitude  from  the  tenth  degree  unto  the 
fifty-third,  beyond  the  Equator,  to  wit,  as  I  have  before  said, 
unto  the  Straits  of  Magellan.  It  is  made  in  fashion  like  an 
egg,  and  is  very  well  known  upon  all  sides.  The  part  where 
it  is  largest  hath  three-score  degrees,  and  from  thence  it  waxeth 
narrower  and  narrower  toward  both  the  ends.  In  one  part  of 
this  land,  VILLEGAGNON  planted  right  under  the  Tropic  of  Cap 
ricorn,  and  he  called  it  France-Antarctic,  because  it  draweth 
toward  the  Antarctic,  as  our  France  doth  to  the  Arctic. 

New  France  is  almost  as  great  as  all  our  Europe.  Howbeit, 
the  most  known  and  inhabited  part  thereof  is  Florida,  whither 
many  Frenchmen  have  made  divers  voyages  at  sundry  times, 
insomuch  that  now  it  is  the  best  known  country  which  is  in  all 
this  part  of  New  France.  The  cape,  thereof,  is,  as  it  were,  a 
long  head  of  land,  stretching  out  into  the  sea  an  hundred 


L  0  U  I  SI  AN  A  AND  FL  OR  I  DA.  r  o  g 

leagues,  and   runneth   directly  toward   the  south.      It   hath,  right       1562. 


over  against  it,  rive-and-twenty  leagues  distant,  the  Isle  of 
otherwise  called  Isabella;  toward  the  east,  the  Isles  of  Bahama 
and  Lucaya,  and,  toward  the  west,  the  Bay  of  Mexico.  The 
country  is  flat,  and  divided  with  divers  rivers,  and,  therefore, 
moist,  and  is  sandy  toward  the  sea  shore.  There  groweth,  in 
those  parts,  great  quantity  of  pine  trees,  which  have  no  kernels 
in  the  apples  which  they  bear.  Their  woods  are  full  of  oak, 
walnuts,  black  cherry  trees,  mulberry  trees,  lentisks  and  chest 
nut  trees,  which  are  more  wild  than  those  in  France.  There  is 
great  store  of  ceders,  cypresses,  bays,  palm  trees,  hollys,  and 
wild  vines,  which  climb  up  along  the  trees,  and  bear  good 
grapes.  There  is  a  kind  of  medlars,  the  finest  whereof  is  better 
than  that  of  France,  and  bigger.  There  are  also  plum  trees, 
which  bear  very  fair  fruit,  but,  such  as  is,  not  very  good.  There 
are  raspasses,  and  a  little  berry,  which  we  call  among  us,  blues, 
which  are  very  good  to  eat.  There  grow,  in  that  country,  a 
kind  of  root,  which  they  call,  in  their  language,  basex,  whereof, 
in  necessity,  they  make  bread.  There  is  also  there  the  tree 
called  esqume,  which  is  very  good  against  the  small-pox,  and 
other  contagious  diseases.  The  beasts  best  known  in  this  coun 
try  are  —  stags,  hinds,  goats,  deer,  leopards,  dunces,  lucerns, 
divers  sorts  of  wolves,  wild  dogs,  hares,  cunnies,  and  a  certain 
kind  of  beast  that  differeth  little  from  the  lion  of  Africa.  The 
fowls  are  —  turkeycocks,  partridges,  parrots,  pigeons,  ringdoves, 
turtles,  blackbirds,  crows,  tarcels,  falcons,  layuerds,  herons, 
cranes,  storks,  wild  geese,  malards,  cormorants,  hernshaws— 
white,  red,  black,  and  gray  —  and  an  infinite  sort  of  all  wild  fowl. 

22 


jyO  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  There  is  such  abundance  of  crocodiles,  that  oftentimes,  in  swim 
ming,  men  are  assailed  by  them ;  of  serpents,  there  are  many 
sorts.  There  is  found,  among  the  savages,  good  quantity  of 
gold  and  silver,  which  is  gotten  out  of  the  ships  that  are  lost 
upon  the  coast,  as  I  have  understood  by  the  savages  themselves. 
They  use  traffic,  thereof,  one  with  another.  And  that  which 
maketh  me  the  rather  believe  it,  is,  that  on  the  coast  toward  the 
cape,  where  commonly  the  ships  are  cast  away,  there  is  more 
store  of  silver  than  towards  the  north.  Nevertheless,  they  say, 
that  in  the  mountains  of  Appalatcy,  there  are  mines  of  copper, 
which  I  think  to  be  gold.  There  is,  also,  in  this  country,  great 
store  of  grains  and  herbs,  whereof  might  be  made  excellent 
good  dyes,  and  paintings  of  all  kind  of  colors  \  and,  in  truth,  the 
Indians,  which  take  pleasure  in  painting  of  their  skins,  know 
very  well  how  to  use  the  same.  The  men  are  of  an  olive 
color,  of  great  stature,  fair,  without  any  deformity,  and  well- 
proportioned.  They  cover  their  privities  with  the  skin  of  a 
stag,  well  dressed.  The  most  part  of  them  have  their  bodies, 
arms,  and  thighs,  painted  with  very  fair  devices,  the  painting 
whereof  can  never  be  taken  away,  because  the  same  is  pricked 
into  their  flesh.  Their  hair  is  very  black,  and  reacheth  even 
down  to  their  hips;  howbeit,  they  truss  it  up  after  a  fashion  that 
becometh  them  very  well.  They  are  great  dissemblers  and 
traitors,  valiant  of  their  persons,  and  fight  very  well.  They 
have  none  other  weapons  but  their  bows  and  arrows.  They 
make  the  string  of  their  bow  of  the  gut  of  the  stag,  or  of  a 
stag's  skin,  which  they  know  how  to  dress  as  well  as  any  man 
in  France,  and  with  as  different  sorts  of  colors.  They  head 


LOUISIANA  AND   FLORIDA.  jyj 

their  arrows  with  the  teeth  of  fishes  and  stone,  which  they  work  1562, 
very  finely  and  handsomely.  They  exercise  their  young  men 
to  run  well,  and  they  make  a  game,  among  themselves,  which 
he  winneth  that  hath  the  longest  breath.  They  also  exercise 
themselves  much  in  shooting;  they  play  at  the  ball  in  this  man 
ner:  they  set  up  a  tree  in  the  midst  of  a  place,  which  is  eight 
or  nine  fathoms  high,  in  the  top  whereof  there  is  set  a  square 
mat,  made  of  reeds,  or  bullrushes,  which  whosoever  hitteth  in 
playing  thereat  winneth  the  game.  They  take  great  pleasure 
in  hunting  and  fishing.  The  kings  of  the  country  make  war, 
one  against  another,  which  is  not  executed  but  by  surprise,  and 
they  kill  all  the  men  they  can  take;  afterwards,  they  cut  off 
their  heads,  to  have  their  hair,  which,  returning  home,  they  carry 
away,  to  make  thereof  their  triumph  when  they  come  to  their 
houses.  They  save  the  women  and  children,  and  nourish  them, 
and  keep  them  always  with  them.  Being  returned  home  from 
the  war,  they  assemble  all  their  subjects,  and,  for  joy,  three 
days  and  three  nights,  they  make  good  cheer,  they  dance  and 
sing;  likewise,  they  make  the  most  ancient  women  of  the  coun 
try  to  dance,  holding  the  hairs  of  their  enemies  in  their  hands, 
and,  in  dancing,  they  sing  praises  to  the  sun,  ascribing  unto 
him  the  honor  of  the  victory.  They  have  no  knowledge  of 
God,  nor  of  any  religion,  saving  of  that  which  they  see,  as  the 
sun  and  the  moon.  They  have  their  priests,  to  whom  they  give 
great  credit,  because  they  are  great  magicians,  great  soothsayers, 
and  callers  upon  devils.  These  priests  serve  them  instead  of 
physicians  and  chirurgians;  they  carry  always  about  with  them 
a  bag  full  of  herbs  and  drugs,  to  cure  the  sick  diseased,  which, 


Ij2  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

562.  for  the  most  part,  are  sick  of  the  pox,  so  they  love  women  and 
maidens  exceedingly,  which  they  call  the  daughters  of  the  Sun, 
and  some  of  them  are  sodomites.  They  marry,  and  every  one 
hath  his  wife,  and  it  is  lawful  for  the  king  to  have  two  or  three, 
yet  none  but  the  first  is  honored  and  acknowledged  for  queen, 
and  none  but  the  children  of  the  first  wife  inherit  the  goods  and 
authority  of  the  father.  The  women  do  all  the  business  at 
home.  They  keep  not  house  with  them  after  they  know  they 
be  with  child.  And  they  eat  not  of  that  which  they  touch  as 
long  as  they  have  their  flowers.  There  are,  in  all  this  country, 
many  hermaphrodites,  which  take  all  the  greatest  pain,  and  bear 
the  victuals  when  they  go  to  war.  They  paint  their  faces 
much,  and  stick  their  hair  full  of  feathers,  or  down,  that  they 
may  seem  more  terrible.  The  victuals,  which  they  carry  with 
them,  are  of  bread,  of  honey,  and  of  meal,  made  of  maize, 
parched  in  the  fire,  which  they  keep  without  being  marred  a 
long  while.  They  carry,  also,  sometimes  fish,  which  they  cause 
to  be  dressed  in  the  smoke.  In  necessity,  they  eat  a  thousand 
rifraffs,  even  to  the  swallowing  down  of  coal,  and  putting  sand 
into  the  pottage  that  they  make  with  the  meal. 

When  they  go  to  war,  their  king  marcheth  first,  with  a  club 
in  one  hand,  and  his  bow  in  the  other,  with  his  quiver  full  of 
arrows.  While  they  fight,  they  make  great  cries  and  exclama 
tions.  They  take  no  enterprize  in  hand,  but  first  they  assemble 
oftentimes  their  council  together,  and  they  take  very  good 
advisement  before  they  grow  to  a  resolution.  They  meet 
together  every  morning  in  a  great  common  house,  whither  their 
king  repaireth,  and  setteth  him  down  upon  a  seat,  which  is 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  jyo 

higher  than  the  seats  of  the  others  ;  where  all  of  them,  one  after  1  562 
another,  come  and  salute  him;  and  the  most  ancient  begin  their 
salutations,  lifting  up  both  their  hands  twice  as  high  as  their 
face,  saying,  "  Ha,  he,  ha!"  and  the  rest  answer,  "Ah,  ah!" 
As  soon  as  they  have  done  their  salutation,  every  man  sitteth 
him  down  upon  the  seats  which  are  round  about  in  the 
house.  If  there  be  anything  to  entreat  of,  the  king  calleth  the 
lawas,  that  is  to  say,  their  priests  and  the  most  ancient  men, 
and  asketh  them  their  advice.  Afterward,  he  commandeth  cas- 
sine  to  be  brewed,  which  is  a  drink  made  of  the  leaves  of  a 
certain  tree.  They  drink  this  cassine  very  hot;  he  drinketh 
first,  then  he  causeth  to  be  given  thereof  to  all  of  them,  one 
after  another,  in  the  same  bowl,  which  holdeth  well  a  quart- 
measure  of  Paris.  They  make  so  great  account  of  this  drink, 
that  no  man  may  taste  thereof,  in  this  assembly,  unless  he  hath 
made  proof  of  his  valor  in  the  war.  Moreover,  this  drink  hath 
such  a  virtue,  that,  as  soon  as  they  have  drank  it,  they  become 
all  in  a  sweat,  which  sweats  being  fast,  it  taketh  away  hunger 
and  thirst  for  twenty  four-hours  after.  When  a  king  dieth, 
they  bury  him  very  solemnly,  and,  upon  his  grave,  they  set  the 
cup  wherein  he  was  wont  to  drink;  and  round  about  the  said 
grave,  they  stick  many  arrows,  and  weep  and  fast  three  days 
together,  without  ceasing.  All  the  kings  which  were  his 
friends  make  the  like  mourning;  and,  in  token  of  the  love 
which  they  bare  him,  they  cut  off  more  than  the  one  half  of 
their  hair,  as  well  men  as  women.  During  the  space  of  six 
moons  (so  they  reckon  their  months),  there  are  certain  women 
appointed  which  bewail  the  death  of  this  king,  crying,  with  a 


jy^  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  loud  voice,  thrice  a  day,  to  wit:  in  the  morning,  at  noon,  and  at 
evening.  All  the  goods  of  this  king  are  put  into  his  house,  and, 
afterwards,  they  set  it  on  fire,  so  that  nothing  is  ever  more  after 
to  be  seen.  The  like  is  done  with  the  goods  of  the  priests;  and, 
besides,  they  bury  the  bodies  of  their  priests  in  their  houses,  and 
then  they  set  them  on  fire.  They  sow  their  maize  twice  a 
year,  to  wit:  in  March  and  in  June,  and  all  in  one  and  the  same 
soil.  The  said  maize,  from  the  time  that  it  is  sowed  until  the 
time  that  it  be  ready  to  be  gathered,  is  but  three  months  on  the 
ground;  the  other  six  months,  they  let  the  earth  rest.  They 
have  also  fine  pumpkins,  and  very  good  beans.  They  never 
dung  their  land,  only  when  they  would  sow ;  they  set  the  weeds 
on  fire,  which  grow  up  the  six  months,  and  burn  them  all. 
They  dig  their  ground  with  an  instrument  of  wood,  which  is 
fashioned  like  a  broad  mattock,  wherewith  they  dig  their  vines 
in  France;  they  put  two  grains  of  maize  together.  When  the 
land  is  to  be  sowed,  the  king  commandeth  one  of  his  men  to 
assemble  his  subjects  every  day  to  labor,  during  which  labor  the 
king  causeth  store  of  that  drink  to  be  made  for  them  whereof 
we  have  spoken.  At  the  time  when  the  maize  is  gathered,  it  is 
all  carried  into  a  common  house,  where  it  is  distributed  to  every 
man,  according  to  his  quality.  They  sow  no  more  but  that 
which  they  think  will  serve  their  turn  for  six  months,  and  that 
very  scarcely.  For,  during  the  winter,  they  retire  themselves 
for  three  or  four  months  in  the  year,  into  the  woods,  where 
they  make  little  cottages  of  palm-boughs  for  their  retreat,  and 
live  there  of  maste,  of  fish  which  they  take,  of  disters,  of  stags, 
of  turkeycocks,  and  other  beasts  which  they  take.  They  eat 


L 0 UISIANA  AND  FLOR IDA.  j  y 5 

all  their  meat  broiled  on  the  coals,  and  dressed  in  the  smoke,  1562 
which,  in  their  language,  they  call  boucanet.  They  eat,  will 
ingly,  the  flesh  of  the  crocodile;  and,  indeed,  it  is  fair  and  white, 
and,  were  it  not  that  it  savored  too  much  like  musk,  we  would 
oftentimes  have  eaten  thereof.  They  have  a  custom  among 
them,  that  when  they  find  themselves  sick  where  they  feel  the 
pain,  whereas  we  cause  ourselves  to  be  let  blood,  their  physi 
cians  suck  them  until  they  make  the  blood  follow.  The  women 
are,  likewise,  of  good  proportion,  tall,  and  of  the  same  color 
that  the  men  be  of,  painted  as  the  men  be;  howbeit,  when  they 
are  home,  they  be  not  so  much  of  an  olive  color,  and  are  far 
whiter.  For  the  chief  cause  that  maketh  them  to  be  of  this 
color  proceeds  of  annointings  of  oil  which  they  use  among 
them  ;  and  they  do  it  for  a  certain  ceremony  which  I  could  not 
learn,  and  because  of  the  sun  which  shineth  hot  upon  their 
bodies.  The  agility  of  the  women  is  so  great,  that  they  can 
swim  over  the  great  rivers,  bearing  their  children  upon  one  of 
their  arms.  They  climb  up,  also,  very  nimbly  upon  the  highest 
trees  in  the  country. 

Behold,  in  brief,  the  description  of  the  country,  with  the  nature 
and  customs  of  the  Inhabitants,  which  I  was  very  willing  to  write, 
before  1  entered  any  further  into  the  discourse  of  my  history,  to  the 
end,  that  the  readers  might  be  better  prepared  to  understand  that 
which  I  mean,  hereafter,  to  entreat  of. 


JEAN     RIBAULT'S     FIRST    VOYAGE 


FLORIDA. 


BY     RENE     LAUDONNIERE 


CHAPTER     I. 


asparlr  Ire  ffioligng,*  My  Lord  Ad-    1562, 

miral  of  Chastillon^  a  nobleman  more 
desirous  of  the  public  than  of  his  private 
benefit,  understanding  the  pleasure  of 
the  King,  his  prince,  which  was  to  dis 
cover  new  and  strange  countries,  caused 
vessels,  fit  for  his  purpose,  to  be  made  ready,  with  all  diligence, 
and  men  to  be  levied  meet  for  such  an  enterprize  ;  among 

*  GASPARD  DE  COLIGNY,  Admiral  of  France,  and  one  of  the  high  officers  of  the 
Crown,  in  the  reign  of  CHARLES  IX,  was  born  at  Chastillon  stir  Loin%,  on  the  i6th  of 
February,  1516.  At  the  death  of  HENRY  II,  he  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Calvinists 
against  the  Guises,  who  represented  the  Roman  Catholics  of  France  j  and,  during  the 

23 


jyg  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  whom  he  chose  Capt.  JOHN  RIBAULT,  a  man,  in  truth,  expert  in 
sea  causes ;  which,  having  received  his  charge,  set  himself  to  sea 
the  year  1562,  the  i8th  of  February,  accompanied  only  with 
two  of  the  King's  ships,  but  so  well  furnished  with  gentlemen 
(of  whose  number  I  myself  was  one),  and  with  old  soldiers,  that 
he  had  means  to  achieve  some  notable  thing,  and  worthy  of 
eternal  memory.  Having,  therefore,  sailed  two  months,  never 
holding  the  usual  course  of  the  Spaniards,  he  arrived  in  Florida, 
landing  near  a  cape  or  promontory,  which  is  no  high  land,  be- 

religious  civil  war  that  drenched  that  country  in  blood,  he  distinguished  himself  as  an 
able  commander  in  the  battles  of  Dreux,  St.  Denis,  Jarnac,  and  Montcontour.  Peace, 
at  last,  having  put  an  end  to  the  war,  and  anxious  to  settle  the  disputes  between  the 
Roman  Catholics  and  the  Calvinists  (Huguenots),  he  presented  a  petition  to  the 
French  monarch  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  Calvinists,  and  obtained  permission  from 
him  to  plant  a  colony  of  them  in  Florida.  He,  accordingly,  ordered  an  expedition  of 
two  ships  to  be  fitted  out,  at  the  expense  of  the  Crown,  and  gave  the  command  of  it 
to  JOHN  RIBAULT,  a  distinguished  officer  of  the  marine. 

Accompanied  by  M.  LAUDONNIERE — the  historian  of  the  expedition — and  several  of 
the  young  nobility  of  France,  he  set  sail  for  Florida  on  the  i8th  of  February,  1562, 
and  arrived  there  in  May.  He  was  hailed  with  pleasure  by  the  natives,  took  posses 
sion  of  the  country,  and  planted  a  colony.  COLIGNY  now  appeared  at  Court,  and  was 
regarded  as  the  great  peace-maker  between  the  Catholics  and  the  Protestants  (Hugue 
nots).  The  King,  however,  under  the  guise  of  great  friendship,  praised  and  flattered 
him,  but,  at  the  same  time,  perfidiously  planned  to  have  him  assassinated,  and  secretly 
proposed  to  the  Duke  of  GUISE  to  have  all  the  Calvinists  in  France  massacred. 
COLIGNY  was  the  first  who  fell  on  the  fatal  day  of  St.  Bartholomew,  24th  of  August, 
1572.  He  was  killed  by  a  hired  assassin,  in  his  own  house,  his  head  cut  off,  and  his 
body  thrown  out  of  the  window  into  the  court  below,  where  it  was  insulted  by  the 
populace.  His  head  was  sent  by  CATHERINE  DE  MEDICIS,  the  Queen-mother,  as  a 
present  to  the  Roman  Pontiff,  who  approved  of  the  massacre  of  the  Protestants,  and 
ordered  a  painting  of  it  to  be  executed  and  hung  up  in  the  Vatican,  over  which  the  exul 
tation  was  immense.  Medals,  representing  the  massacre,  were  struck  off,  and  distri 
buted  among  the  populace,  and  sent  to  the  courts  of  Europe.  One  of  them  represented 
Religion,  placing  a  crown  on  the  head  of  the  King  of  France,  who  leaned  upon  a 
rudder-head,  trampling  heresy  under  foot,  with  this  legend  :  "  Ob  -vicies  centena  millia 
Calvinianorum  ad  ecclesiam  re<vocata  MDCLXXXV." 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


179 


cause  the  coast  is  all  flat,  but  only  rising,  by  reason  of  the  high  156: 
woods,  which,  at  his  arrival,  he  called  Cape  Francis,  in  honor  of 
our  France.  This  cape  is  distant  from  the  Equator  about  thirty 
degrees.  Coasting  from  this  place  towards  the  north,  he  dis 
covered  a  very  fair  and  great  river,  which  gave  him  occasion  to 
cast  anchor,  that  he  might  search  the  same  the  next  day,  very 
early  in  the  morning;  which,  being  done  by  the  break  of  day, 
accompanied  with  Capt.  FIQUINVILLE,  and  divers  other  soldiers 
of  his  ship,  he  was  no  sooner  arrived  on  the  brink  of  the  shore, 
but  straight  he  perceived  many  Indians,  men  and  women,  which 
came  of  purpose  to  that  place,  to  receive  the  Frenchmen  with 
all  gentleness  and  amity,  as  they  well  declared  by  the  oration 
which  their  king  made,  and  the  presents  of  chamois-skins 
wherewith  he  honored  our  captain,  who,  the  day  following, 
caused  a  pillar  of  hard  stone  to  be  planted  within  the  said  river, 
and  not  far  from  the  mouth  of  the  same,  upon  a  little  sandy 
knappe,  in  which  pillar  the  arms  of  France  were  carved  and 
engraved.*  This  being  done,  he  embarked  himself  again,  to  the 
end  always  to  discover  the  coast  toward  the  north,  which  was 
his  chief  desire.  After  he  had  sailed  a  certain  time,  he  crossed 
once  to  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  then,  in  the  presence  of 
certain  Indians,  which  of  purpose  did  attend  him,  he  commanded 
his  men  to  make  their  prayers,  to  give  thanks  to  God,  for  that 
of  his  grace  he  had  conducted  the  French  nation  unto  these 
strange  places  without  any  danger  at  all.  The  prayers  being 


*  After  a  most  diligent  search — made  by  American  antiquarians — for  this  engraved 
pillar,  planted  upon  a  hillock,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  May,  it  has  not  been  found. 
It  is  probable  that  it  was  removed  or  destroyed  by  the  Spaniards. 


jgo  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  ended,  the  Indians,  which  were  very  attentive  to  harken  unto 
them,  thinking,  in  my  judgment,  that  we  worshipped  the  sun, 
because  we  always  had  our  eyes  lifted  up  toward  heaven,  rose 
all  up,  and  came  to  salute  the  captain  (JoHN  RIBAULT),  promis 
ing  to  show  him  their  king,  which  rose  not  up  as  they  did,  but 
remained  still  sitting  upon  green  leaves  of  bay  and  palm  trees, 
toward  whom  the  captain  went  and  sat  down  by  him,  and  heard 
him  make  a  long  discourse,  but  with  no  great  pleasure,  because 
he  could  not  understand  his  language,  and  much  less  his  mean 
ing.  The  king  gave  our  captain,  at  his  departure,  a  plume,  or 
fan,  of  hernshaw  feathers,  dyed  red,  and  a  basket  made  of  palm- 
boughs,  after  the  Indian  fashion,  and  wrought  very  artificially, 
and  a  great  skin  painted  and  drawn  throughout  with  pictures  of 
divers  wild  beasts — so  lively  drawn  and  portrayed,  that  nothing 
lacked  but  life.  The  captain,  to  show  himself  not  unthankful, 
gave  him  pretty  tin  bracelets,  a  cutting-hook,  a  looking-glass, 
and  certain  knives,  whereupon  the  king  showed  himself  to  be 
very  glad,  and  fully  contented. 

Having  spent  the  most  part  of  the  day  with  these  Indians,  the 
captain  embarked  himself  to  pass  over  to  the  other  side  of  the 
river,  whereat  the  king  seemed  to  be  very  sorry.  Nevertheless, 
not  being  able  to  stay  us,  he  commanded  that,  with  all  diligence, 
they  should  take  fish  for  us,  which  they  did  with  all  speed ; 
for  being  entered  into  their  weares,  or  inclosures,  made- of 
reeds,  and  framed  in  the  fashion  of  a  labyrinth,  or  maze,  they 
loaded  us  with  trout,  great  mullets,  plaice,  turbots,  and  mar 
vellous  store  of  other  sorts  of  fishes,  altogether  different  from 
ours.  This  done,  we  entered  into  our  boats,  and  went  toward 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ,8, 

the   other   shore;   but,   before   we   came  to   the   shore,  we   were       1562. 
saluted  with  a  number  of  other  Indians,  which,  entering  into  the 
water  to  their  armpits,   brought   us   many   little  baskets   full   of 
maize,   and   goodly    mulberries,    both    red   and    white.      Others 
offered  themselves  to  bear  us  on   shore,  where,  being  landed,  we 
perceived  their  king,  sitting  upon  a  place  dressed  with   boughs, 
and    under   a    little   arbor   of   cedars   and    bay    trees,    somewhat 
distant   from  the  water  side.      He  was  accompanied  with   two  of 
his  sons,  which  were  exceeding  fair  and  strong,  and  with  a  troop 
of    Indians,  who   had  all    their   bows   and   arrows  in  marvellous 
good  order.      His  two  sons  received  our  captain  very  graciously; 
but  the  king,  their  father,  representing — I  wot  not  what  kind  of 
gravity — did  nothing  but  shake  his  head  a  little;  then  the  captain 
went   forward   to  salute   him,  and,  without  any  other  moving  of 
himself,  he  retained  so  constant  a  kind  of  gravity,  that  he   made 
it  seem  unto  us  that,  by  good  and   lawful  right,  he  bare  the  title 
of  king.      Our  captain   knowing  not  what  to  judge  of  this  man's 
behavior,  thought  he  was  jealous    because  we  went   first  unto 
the  other   king,  or  else,  that  he  was   not   well   pleased  with  the 
pillar,  or  column,  which  he  had   planted.      While  thus  he  knew 
not   what   hereof  to  think,  our  captain    showed   him,   by  signs, 
that  he  was   come  from  a  far  country  to  seek  him,  to  let   him 
understand  the  amity  which  he  was  desirous  to  have  with  them; 
for  the  better  confirmation   whereof,  he  drew  out  of  a  budget 
certain    trifles,    as  certain    bracelets,   covered,   as   it   were,    with 
silver  and  gold,  which   he  presented  him   withal,  and  gave  his 
sons   certain   other  trifles,  whereupon   the  king  began,  very  lov 
ingly,  to  entreat  both  our  captain  and  us;  and,  after  these  gentle 


!g2  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

I  562.  entertainments,  we  went  ourselves  into  the  woods,  hoping  there 
~~  to  discover  some  singularities,  where  were  great  store  of  mul 
berry  trees,  white  and  red,  on  the  tops  whereof  there  was  an 
infinite  number  of  silk-worms.  Following  our  w<iy,  we  discov 
ered  a  fair  and  great  meadow,  divided,  notwithstanding,  with 
divers  marshes,  which  constrained  us,  by  reason  of  the  water 
which  environed  it  about,  to  return  back  again  toward  the  river 
side.  Finding  not  the  king  there,  which  by  this  time  was  gone 
home  to  his  house,  we  entered  into  our  boats,  and  sailed  toward 
our  ships,  where,  after  we  arrived,  we  called  this  river  the 
River  of  May,  because  we  discovered  it  the  first  day  of  the  said 
month. 

Soon  after  we  returned  to  our  ships,  we  weighed  anchor,  and 
hoisted  our  sails,  to  discover  the  coast  further  forward,  along  the 
which  we  discovered  another  fair  river,  which  the  captain  him 
self  was  minded  to  search  out,  and  having  searched  it  out  with 
the  king  and  inhabitants  thereof,  he  named  it  Seine,  because  it  is 
very  like  unto  the  river  of  Seine,  in  France.  From  this  river, 
we  returned  unto  our  ships,  where,  being  arrived,  we  trimmed 
our  sails  to  sail  further  toward  the  north,  and  to  descry  the 
singularities  of  the  coast.  But  we  had  not  sailed  any  great  way 
before  we  discovered  another  very  fair  river,  which  caused  us  to 
cast  anchor  over  against  it,  and  to  trim  our  two  boats  to  go  to 
search  it  out.  We  found  there  an  isle,  and  a  king  no  less 
affable  than  the  rest;  afterward,  we  named  this  river,  Somme. 
From  thence  we  sailed  about  six  leagues,  after  we  discovered 
another  river,  which,  after  we  had  viewed,  was  named  by  us  by 
the  name  of  Loire;  and,  consequently,  we  there  discovered  five 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  l  g  3 

others,  whereof  the  first  was  named  Charente ;  the  second,  Gar-       1562. 
onne ;  the  third,  Gironde ;  the  fourth,  Belle;  the  fifth,  Grande*— 
which,  being  very  well   discovered,  with   such  things  as  were  in 
them,  by  this  time  in  less  than  the  space  of  three-score  leagues, 
we  had  found  out  many  singularities  along  nine  rivers.      Never 
theless,    not    fully    satisfied,    we    sailed    yet    further    toward    the 
north,  following  the   course   that    might  bring  us   to  the  River 
of  Jordan,  one  of  the  fairest  of  the  rivers  of  the  north,  and,  hold-  • 

ing  our  wonted  course,  great  fogs  and  tempests  came  upon  us, 
which  constrained  us  to  leave  the  coast,  to  bear  toward  the 
main  sea,  which  was  the  cause  that  we  lost  the  sights  of  our 
pinnaces  a  whole  day  and  a  night,  until  the  next  day,  in  the 
morning,  which  time  the  weather  being  fair  and  the  sea  calm, 
we  discovered  a  river,  which  we  called  Bellevoir.  After  we  had 
sailed  three  or  four  leagues,  we  began  to  espy  our  pinnaces, 
which  came  straight  toward  us,  and,  at  their  arrival,  they 
reported  to  the  captain,  that,  while  the  foul  weather  and  fogs 
endured,  they  harbored  themselves  in  a  mighty  river,  which,  in 
bigness  and  beauty,  exceeded  the  former ;  wherewithal  the  cap 
tain  was  exceeding  joyful,  for  his  chief  desire  was  to  find  out  an 
haven  to  harbor  his  ships,  and  there  to  refresh  ourselves  awhile. 
Thus,  making  thitherward,  we  arrived  athwart  the  same  river 
(which,  because  of  the  fairness  and  largeness  thereof,  we  named 

*  The  rivers  discovered  by  RIBAULT,  in  Florida,  and  named  by  him  because  of  their 
resemblance  to  the  rivers  in  France,  correspond  with  those  known  to  us  at  the  present 
day  in  American  geography,  viz.  : — MAY,  to  the  St.  Johns  (the  St.  Matheo  of  the  Span 
iards)  ;  LOIRE,  to  the  Altamaha  ;  CHARANTE,  to  the  Newport ;  GARONNE,  to  the 
Ogechef  ;  GIRONDE,  to  the  Savanna;  BELLEVOIR,  to  the  May,  in  South  Carolina; 
GRANDE,  to  the  Broad;  JORDAN,  to  the  Combahee  ;  PORT  ROYAL,  to  Port  Royal. 


184  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  Port  Royal),  struck  our  sails,  and  cast  anchor  at  ten  fathoms 
of  water ;  for  the  depth  is  such,  namely,  when  the  sea  beginneth 
to  flow,  that  the  greatest  ships  of  France,  yea,  the  argosses  of 
Venice,  may  enter  in  there.  Having  cast  anchor,  the  captain, 
with  his  soldiers,  went  on  shore,  and  he  himself  went  first  on 
land,  where  we  found  the  place  as  pleasant  as  was  possible ;  for 
it  was  all  covered  over  with  mighty  high  oaks,  and  infinite  store 
of  cedars,  and  with  lentiskes  growing  underneath  them,  smell 
ing  so  sweetly,  that  the  very  fragrant  odor  only  made  the  place 
to  seem  exceeding  pleasant.  As  we  passed  through  these 
woods,  we  saw  nothing  but  turkeycocks  flying  in  the  forests, 
partridges,  gray  and  red,  little  different  from  ours,  but  chiefly 
in  bigness.  We  heard,  also,  within  the  woods,  the  voices  of 
stags,  of  bears,  of  lucernes,  of  leopards,  and  divers  other  sorts 
of  beasts  unknown  to  us.  Being  delighted  with  this  place,  we 
set  ourselves  to  fishing  with  nets,  and  we  caught  such  a  number 
of  fish  that  it  was  wonderful ;  and,  amongst  others,  we  took  a 
certain  kind  of  fish,  which  we  call  sallicoques,  which  were  no  less 
than  crevisses,  so  that  two  draughts  of  the  net  were  sufficient  to 
feed  all  the  company  of  our  two  ships  for  a  whole  day.  The 
river,  at  the  mouth,  thereof,  from  cape  to  cape,  is  no  less  than 
three  French  leagues  broad ;  it  is  divided  into  two  great  arms, 
whereof  the  one  runneth  toward  the  west,  and  the  other  toward 
the  north,  and,  I  believe,  in  my  judgment,  that  the  arm  which 
stretcheth  toward  the  north  runneth  up  into  the  country  as  far 
as  the  river  ^Jordan  ,•  the  other  arm  runneth  into  the  sea,  as  it 
was  known  and  understood  by  those  of  our  company  which 
were  left  behind  to  dwell  in  this  place.  These  two  arms  are 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


i85 


two  great  leagues  broad,  and,  in  the  midst  of  them,  there  is  an  1562. 
isle,  which  is  pointed  towards  the  opening  of  the  great  river,  in 
which  island  there  are  infinite  numbers  of  all  sorts  of  strange 
beasts.  There  are  simples  growing  there  of  so  rare  properties, 
and  in  so  great  quantity,  that  it  is  an  excellent  thing  to  behold 
them.  On  every  side,  there  is  nothing  to  be  seen  but  palm 
trees,  and  other  sorts  of  trees,  bearing  blossoms  and  fruits  of 
very  rare  shape,  and  very  good  smell.  But,  seeing  the  evening 
approach,  and  that  the  captain  determined  to  return  unto  the 
ships,  we  prayed  him  to  suffer  us  to  pass  the  night  in  this  place. 
In  our  absence,  the  pilots  and  these  mariners  advised  the  captain 
that  it  was  needful  to  bring  the  ships  further  up  within  the  river, 
to  avoid  the  dangers  of  the  winds  which  might  annoy  us,  by 
reason  of  our  being  so  near  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  and,  for 
this  cause,  the  captain  sent  for  us.  Being  come  to  our  ships, 
we  sailed  three  leagues  further  up  within  the  river,  and  there  we 
cast  anchor.  A  little  while  after,  JOHN  RIBAULT,  accompanied 
with  a  good  number  of  soldiers,  embarked  himself,  desirous  to 
sail  further  up  into  the  arm  that  runneth  toward  the  west,  and 
to  search  the  commodities  of  the  place.  Having  sailed  twelve 
leagues  at  the  least,  we  perceived  a  troop  of  Indians,  which,  as 
soon  as  ever  they  espied  the  pinnaces,  were  so  afraid  that  they 
fled  into  the  woods,  leaving  behind  them  a  young  lucerne  which 
they  were  turning  upon  a  spit,  for  which  cause  the  place  was 
called  Cape  Lucerne.  Proceeding  forth  on  our  way,  we  found 
another  arm  of  the  river,  which  ran  towards  the  east,  by  which 
the  captain  determined  to  sail,  and  to  leave  the  great  current. 
A  little  while  after,  they  began  to  espy  divers  other  Indians, 

24 


1 86  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  both  men  and  women,  half  hidden  within  the  woods,  who, 
knowing  not  that  we  were  such  as  desired  their  friendship,  were 
dismayed  at  first,  but,  soon  after,  were  emboldened,  for  the 
captain  caused  store  of  merchandize  to  be  showed  them  openly, 
whereby  they  knew  that  we  meant  nothing  but  well  unto  them ; 
and  then  they  made  a  sign  that  we  should  come  on  land,  which 
we  would  not  refuse.  At  our  coming  on  shore,  divers  of  them 
came  to  salute  our  general,  according  to  their  barbarous  fashion. 
Some  of  them  gave  him  skins  of  chamois  ;  others,  little  baskets 
made  of  palm-leaves ;  some  presented  him  with  pearls,  but  no 
great  number.  Afterwards,  they  went  about  to  make  an  arbor, 
to  defend  us,  in  that  place,  from  the  parching  heat  of  the 
sun.  But  we  would  not  stay  as  then,  wherefore  the  captain 
thanked  them  much  for  their  good  will,  and  gave  presents  to 
each  of  them,  wherewith  he  pleased  them  so  well  before  he 
went  thence,  that  his  sudden  departure  was  nothing  pleasant 
unto  them.  For,  knowing  him  to  be  so  liberal,  they  would 
have  wished  him  to  have  stayed  a  little  longer,  seeking  by  all 
means  to  give  occasion  to  stay,  showing  him,  by  signs,  that  he 
should  stay  but  that  day  only,  and  that  they  desired  to  advise 
a  great  Indian  lord,  which  had  pearls  in  great  abundance,  and 
silver  also,  all  which  things  should  be  given  unto  him  at  the 
king's  arrival ;  saying,  further,  that,  in  the  meantime,  while  that 
this  great  lord  came  thither,  they  would  lead  him  to  their 
houses,  and  show  him  there  a  thousand  pleasures  in  shooting; 
and  seeing  the  stag  killed,  therefore,  they  prayed  him  not  to  deny 
them  their  request ;  notwithstanding,  we  returned  to  our  ships, 
where,  after  we  had  been  but  one  night,  the  captain,  in  the  morn- 


LOU  LSI  AN  A  AND  FLORIDA.  ^n 

ing,  commanded  to  put  into  the  pinnace  a  pillar  of  hard  stone,  1562. 
fashioned  like  a  column,  wherein  the  arms  of  the  King  of  France 
were  graven,  to  plant  the  same  in  the  fairest  place  that  he  could 
find.  This  done,  we  embarked  ourselves,  and  sailed  three 
leagues  towards  the  west,  where  we  discovered  a  little  river,  up 
which  we  sailed  so  long,  that,  in  the  end,  we  found  it  returned 
into  the  great  current,  and,  in  his  return,  to  make  a  little  island, 
separated  from  the  firm  land,  where  we  went  on  shore;  and,  by 
commandment  of  the  captain,  because  it  was  exceeding  fair  and 
pleasant,  there  we  planted  the  pillar,  upon  a  hillock,  open  round  about 
to  the  view,  and  environed  with  a  lake,  half  a  fathom  deep,  of  very 
good  and  sweet  water.  In  which  island  we  saw-  two  stags,  of 
exceeding  bigness,  in  respect  of  those  which  we  had  seen  before, 
which  we  might  easily  have  killed  with  our  harquebuses,  if  the 

captain   had  not   forbidden   us,  moved  with   the  singular  fairness 

i 
and   bigness  of  them ;   but,  before  our  departure,  we  named  the 

little  river  which  environed  this  isle,  the  River  of  Liborne. 
Afterward,  we  embarked  ourselves  to  search  another  isle,  not 
far  distant  from  the  former,  wherein,  after  we  had  gone  aland, 
we  found  nothing  but  tall  cedars,  the  fairest  that  were  seen  in 
this  country.  For  this  cause,  we  called  it  the  Isle  of  Cedars,  so 
we  returned  into  our  pinnace,  to  go  towards  our  ships. 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 


CHAPTER     II. 


562. 


FEW  days  afterwards,  JOHN  RIBAULT 
determined  to  return  once  again  towards 
the  Indians  which  inhabited  the  arm  or 
the  river  which  runneth  towards  the 
west,  and  to  bring  with  him  good  store 
of  soldiers  ;  for  his  meaning  was  to  take  two  Indians  of  this  place 
to  bring  them  into  France,  as  the  Queen  had  commanded  him. 
With  this  deliberation,  we  again  took  our  former  course,  so  far 
north,  that,  at  the  last  we  came  to  the  self-same  place  where  at 
the  first  we  found  the  Indians ;  from  thence,  we  took  two 
Indians,  by  the  permission  of  the  king,  who,  thinking  they 
were  more  favored  than  the  rest,  thought  themselves  very  happy 
to  stay  with  us.  But,  these  two  Indians  seeing  we  made  no  show 
at  all  that  we  would  go  on  land,  but  rather  that  we  followed 
the  midst  of  the  current,  began  to  be  somewhat  offended,  and 
would,  by  force,  have  leaped  into  the  water  ;  for  they  are  so 
good  swimmers,  that  immediately  they  would  have  gotten  into 
the  forests.  Nevertheless,  being  acquainted  with  their  humor, 
we  watched  them  narrowly,  and  sought,  by  all  means,  to  appease 
them,  which  we  could  not  by  any  means  do  for  that  time, 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  ,  g  g 

though  we  offered  them  things  which  they  much  esteemed,  1562. 
which  things  they  disdained  to  take,  and  gave  back  again  what 
soever  was  given  them,  thinking  that  such  gifts  should  have 
altogether  bound  them,  and  that,  in  restoring  them,  they  should 
be  restored  unto  their  liberty.  In  fine,  perceiving  that  all  they 
did  availed  them  nothing,  they  prayed  us  to  give  them  those 
things  which  they  had  restored,  which  we  did  incontinent. 
Then  they  approached,  one  toward  the  other,  and  began  to  sing, 
agreeing  so  sweetly  together,  that,  in  hearing  their  song,  it 
seemed  that  they  lamented  the  absence  of  their  friends.  They 
continued  their  songs  all  night,  without  ceasing  ;  all  which  time 
we  were  constrained  to  lie  at  anchor,  by  reason  of  the  tide  that 
was  against  us  ;  but  we  hoisted  sail  the  next  day,  very  early  in 
the  morning,  and  returned  to  our  ships.  As  soon  as  we  were 
come  to  our  ships,  every  one  thought  to  gratify  these  two 
Indians,  and  to  show  them  the  best  countenance  that  was  pos 
sible,  to  the  intent  that,  by  such  courtesies,  they  might  perceive 
the  good  desire  and  affection  which  we  had  to  remain  their 
friends  in  time  to  come.  Then  we  offered  them  meat  to  eat, 
but  they  refused  it,  and  made  us  understand  that  they  were 
accustomed  to  wash  their  faces,  and  to  stay  until  the  sun  were 
set  before  they  did  eat,  which  is  a  ceremony  common  to  all  the 
Indians  of  New  France.  Nevertheless,  in  the  end,  they  were 
constrained  to  forget  their  superstitions,  and  to  apply  themselves 
to  our  nature,  which  was  somewhat  strange  unto  them  at  the 
first.  They  became,  therefore,  more  jocund — every  hour  made 
us  a  thousand  discourses,  being  marvellous  sorry  that  we  could 
not  understand  them.  A  few  days  after,  they  began  to  bear  so 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  good  will  towards  me,  that,  as  I  think,  they  would  rather  have 
perished  with  hunger  and  thirst  than  have  taken  their  refection 
at  any  man's  hand  but  mine.  Seeing  this,  their  good  will,  I 
sought  to  learn  some  Indian  words,  and  began  to  ask  them 
questions,  showing  them  the  thing  whereof  I  desired  to  know 
the  name,  how  they  called  it.  They  were  very  glad  to  tell  it 
me  ;  and,  knowing  the  desire  that  I  had  to  learn  their  language, 
they  encouraged  me,  afterward,  to  ask  them  anything  ;  so  that, 
putting  down  in  writing  the  words  and  phrases  of  the  Indian 
speech,  I  was  able  to  understand  the  greatest  part  of  their  dis 
courses.  Every  day  they  did  nothing  but  speak  unto  me  of  the 
desire  that  they  had  to  use  me  well,  if  we  returned  unto  their 
houses,  and  cause  me  to  receive  all  the  pleasures  that  they  could 
devise,  as  well  in  hunting  as  in  seeing  their  very  strange  and 
superstitious  ceremonies  at  a  certain  feast,  which  they  call  Toy  a 
— which  feast  they  observe  as  strictly  as  we  observe  the  Sunday. 
They  gave  me  to  understand  that  they  would  bring  me  to  see 
the  greatest  lord  of  this  country,  which  they  called  CHIGOULA, 
which  exceedeth  them  in  height  (as  they  told  me)  a  good  foot 
and  a  half.  They  said  unto  me,  that  he  dwelt  within  the  land, 
in  a  very  large  place,  and  inclosed  exceeding  high,  but  I  could 
not  learn  wherewith.  And,  as  far  as  I  can  judge  this  place 
whereof  they  spake  unto  me,  was  a  very  fair  city,  for  they  said 
unto  me  that,  within  the  inclosure,  there  was  a  great  store  of 
houses,  which  were  built  very  high,  wherein  there  was  an 
infinite  number  of  men  like  unto  themselves,  which  made  none 
account  of  gold,  of  silver,  nor  of  pearls,  seeing  they  had  thereof 
in  abundance.  I  began,  then,  to  show  them  all  the  parts  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  Io/i 

heaven,  to  the  intent  to  learn  in  which  quarter  they  dwelt;  and,       1562. 

straightway,  one  of  them   stretching  out  his  hand,  showed   me 

that  they  dwelt  toward  the  north,  which  makes  me  think  that  it 

was  the  river  Jordan.     And  now,  I  remember,  that,  in  the  reign 

of  the  Emperor  CHARLES  V,  certain  Spaniards,  inhabitants  of  St. 

Domingo,  which  made  a  voyage  to  get  certain  slaves  to  work  in 

their  mines,  stole  away,  by  subtlety,  the  inhabitants  of  this  river, 

to  the  number  of  forty,  thinking  to  carry  them  into  their  New 

Spain ;   but  they  lost  their  labor,  for,  in  despite,  they  died  all  for 

hunger,  saving  one  that  was  brought  to  the  Emperor,  which,  a 

little  while  after,  he  caused  to  be  baptized,  and  gave  him  his  own 

name,  and  called  him  CHARLES  OF  CHIGOULA,  because  he  spoke 

so  much  of  this  Lord  of  CHIGOULA,  whose  subject  he  was;  also, 

he  reported  continually,  that  CHIGOULA  made  his  abode  within 

a  very  great  inclosed  city.     Besides  this  proof,  those  which  were 

left    in    the   first   voyage,   have   certified    me,   that   the   Indians 

showed   them,  by  evident   signs,  that   further   within   the   land 

toward  the  north,  there  was  a  great  inclosure,  or  city,  where 

CHIGOULA  dwelt.       After  they  had  staid  awhile  in  our  ships, 

they  began  to  be  sorry,  and  still  demanded  of  me  when  they 

should  return.     I  made  them  understand  that  the  captain's  will 

was  to  send  them  home  again,  but  that  first  he  would  bestow 

apparel  of  them,  which,  a  few  days  after,  was  delivered  unto 

them.      But,  seeing  he  would  not  give  them  licence  to  depart, 

they  resolved,  with  themselves,  to  steal  away  by  night,  and  to 

get  a  little  boat  which  we  had,  and,  by  the  help  of  the  tide,  to 

sail   home    toward  their  dwellings,  and   by  this  means  to  save 

themselves,   which    thing  they   failed    not  to  do,  and  put  their 


!02  HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  enterprise  into  execution,  yet  leaving  behind  them  the  apparel 
which  the  captain  had  given  them,  and  carrying  away  nothing 
but  that  which  was  their  own,  showing  well,  hereby,  that  they 
were  not  void  of  reason.  The  captain  cared  not  greatly  for 
their  departure,  considering  they  had  not  been  used  otherwise 
than  well,  and  that,  therefore,  they  would  not  estrange  them 
selves  from  the  Frenchmen.  Captain  RIBAULT,  therefore, 
knowing  the  singular  fairness  of  this  river,  desired,  by  all  means, 
to  encourage  some  of  his  men  to  dwell  there,  well  foreseeing 
that  this  thing  might  be  of  great  importance  for  the  King's 
service,  and  the  relief  of  the  commonwealth  of  France.  There 
fore,  proceeding  on  with  his  intent,  he  commanded  the  anchors 
to  be  weighed,  and  to  set  things  in  order  to  return  unto  the 
opening  of  the  river,  to  the  end  that,  if  the  wind  came  fair,  he 
might  pass  out  to  accomplish  the  rest  of  his  meaning.  When, 
therefore,  we  were  come  to  the  mouth  of  the  river,  he  made 
them  cast  anchor,  whereupon  we  stayed,  without  discovering 
anything  all  the  rest  of  the  day.  The  next  day  he  commanded 
that  all  the  men  of  his  ship  should  come  up  on  deck,  say 
ing,  that  he  had  somewhat  to  say  unto  them.  They  all  came 
up,  and  immediately  the  captain  began  to  speak  unto  them,  in 
this  manner:  — 

"  I  think  there  is  none  of  you  that  is  ignorant  of  how  great 
consequence  this  our  enterprise  is,  and,  also,  how  acceptable  it 
is  unto  our  young  King;  therefore,  my  friends  (as  one  desiring 
your  honor  and  benefit),  I  would  not  fail  to  advise  you  all  of 
the  exceeding  goodhap  which  should  fall  to  them,  which,  as 
men  of  valor  and  worthy  courage,  would  make  trial  in  this,  our 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


X93 


first  discovery,  of  the  benefits  and  commodities  of  this  new 
land,  which  should  be,  as  I  assure  myself,  the  greatest  occasion 
that  ever  could  happen  unto  them,  to  arise  unto  the  title  and 
degree  of  honor,  and,  for  this  cause,  I  was  desirous  to  propose 
unto  you,  and  set  down  before  your  eyes,  the  eternal  memory 
which  of  right  they  deserve;  to  which,  forgetting  both  their 
parents  and  their  country,  have  had  the  courage  to  enterprise  a 
thing  of  such  importance,  to  which  even  kings  themselves, 
understanding  to  be  men  aspiring  to  so  high  degree  of  magnan 
imity  and  increase  of  their  majesties,  do  not  disdain  so  well  to 
regard,  that,  afterwards  employing  them  in  matters  of  weight 
and  high  enterprise,  they  make  their  names  immortal  forever. 
Howbeit,  I  would  not  have  you  persuade  yourselves,  as  many 
do,  that  you  shall  never  have  such  good  fortune,  as  not  being 
known  neither  to  the  King  nor  to  the  princes  of  the  ,  realm  ; 
and,  besides,  descending  of  so  poor  a  stock,  that  few,  or  none, 
of  your  parents,  having  ever  made  profession  of  arms,  have  been 
known  unto  the  great  estates.  For,  albeit,  that,  from  my  tender 
years,  I,  myself,  have  applied  all  my  industry  to  follow  them, 
and  have  hazarded  my  life  in  so  many  dangers  for  the  service  of 
my  prince,  yet  could  I  never  attain  thereto  (not  that  I  did  not 
deserve  this  title  and  degree  of  government),  as  I  have  seen  it 
happen  to  many  others,  onlv  because  they  descend  of  a  noble 
race,  since  more  regard  is  had  of  their  birth  than  of  their  virtue. 
For,  well  I  know,  that  if  virtue  were  regarded,  there  would 
more  be  found  worthy  to  deserve  the  title,  and,  by  good  right, 
to  be  named  noble  and  valiant.  I  will,  therefore,  make  suf 
ficient  answer  to  such  propositions  and  such  things  as  you  may 

25 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

562.  object  against  me,  laying  before  you  the  infinite  examples  which 
we  have  of  the  Romans,  which,  concerning  the  point  of  honor, 
were  the  first  that  triumphed  over  the  world.  For  how  many 
find  we  among  them,  which,  for  their  so  valiant  enterprises,  not 
for  the  greatness  of  their  parentage,  have  obtained  the  honor  to 
triumph.  If  we  have  recourse  unto  their  ancestors,  we  shall 
find  that  their  parents  were  of  so  mean  condition,  that,  by  labor 
ing  with  their  hands,  they  lived  very  basely.  As  the  father  of 
^ELius  PERTINAX,  which  was  a  poor  artisan,  his  grandfather, 
likewise,  was  a  bondsman,  as  the  histographers  do  witness;  and, 
nevertheless,  being  moved  with  a  valiant  courage,  he  was 
nothing  dismayed  for  all  this,  but  rather  desirous  to  aspire  unto 
high  things.  He  began,  with  a  brave  stomach,  to  learn  feats  of 
arms,  and  profited  so  well  therein,  that,  from  step  to  step,  he 
became,  at  length,  to  be  Emperor  of  the  Romans.  For  all  this 
dignity,  he  despised  not  his  parents ;  but  contrariwise,  and,  in 
remembrance  of  them,  he  caused  his  father's  shop  to  be  covered 
with  a  fine  wrought  marble,  to  serve  for  an  example  to  men 
descended  of  base  and  poor  lineage,  to  give  them  occasion  to 
aspire  unto  high  things,  notwithstanding  the  meanness  of  their 
ancestors.  I  will  not  pass  over  in  silence  the  prowess  of  the 
valiant  and  renowned  AGATHOCLES,  the  son  of  a  simple  potter, 
and,  yet  forgetting  the  contemptible  estate  of  his  father,  he  so 
applied  himself  to  virtue  in  his  tender  years,  that,  by  the  favor 
of  arms,  he  came  to  be  King  of  Sicily,  and,  for  all  this  title,  he 
refused  not  to  be  counted  the  son  of  a  potter. 

"  But^  the  more  to   eternize  the  memory  of  his  parents,  and  to 
make  his  name  renowned,  he  commanded  that  he  should  be  served  at 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  jg^ 

the  table  in  vessels  of  gold  and  silver,  and  others  of earth ;  declaring,       I  562, 
thereby,  that  the  dignity  wherein  he  was  placed,  came  not  to  him  by 
his  parents,  but  by  his  own  virtue  only. 

"  If  I  shall  speak  of  our  time,  I  will  lay  before  you  only  RUSTEN 
BASSHA,  which  may  be  a  sufficient  example  to  all  men;  which, 
though  he  were  the  son  of  a  poor  herdsman,  did  so  apply  his  youth  in 
all  virtue,  that,  being  brought  up  in  the  service  of  the  great  Turk,  % 
he  seemed  to  aspire  to  great  and  high  matters,  in  such  sort,  that, 
growing  in  years,  he  increased  also  in  courage,  so  far  forth,  that,  in 
fine,  for  his  excellent  virtues,  he  married  the  daughter  of  the  great 
Turk,  his  prince.  How  much,  then,  ought  so  many  worthy  examples 
to  move  you  to  plant  here  ?  Considering,  also,  that  hereby  you  shall 
be  registered,  forever,  as  the  first  that  inhabited  this  strange  country. 
I  pray  you,  therefore,  all  to  advise  yourselves  thereof,  and  to  declare 
vour  minds  freely  unto  me,  protesting  that  I  will  so  well  imprint  your 
name  in  the  King's  ears,  and  the  other  princes,  that  your  renown 
shall  hereafter  shine  unquenchable  through  our  realm  of  France  " 

He  had  scarcely  ended  his  oration,  but  the  greatest  part  of 
our  soldiers  replied:  That  a  greater  pleasure  could  never  betide 
them,  perceiving  well  the  acceptable  service,  which,  by  this 
means,  they  should  do  unto  their  prince,  besides,  that  this  thing 
should  be  for  the  increase  of  their  honors ;  therefore,  they 
besought  the  captain,  before  he  departed  out  of  the  place,  to 
begin  to  build  them  a  fort,  which  they  hoped,  afterward,  to 
finish,  and  to  leave  them  munition  necessary  for  their  defense, 
showing,  as  it  seemed,  that  they  were  displeased  that  it  was 
so  long  in  doing.  Whereupon,  JOHN  RIBAULT,  being  as  glad 
as  might  be  to  see  his  men  so  well  willing,  determined,  the  next 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  day,  to  search  the  most  fit  and  convenient  place  to  be  inhabited. 
Wherefore,  he  embarked  himself,  very  early  in  the  morning, 
and  commanded  them  to  follow  him  that  were  desirous  to 
inhabit  there,  to  the  intent  that  they  might  like  the  better  of  the 
place. 

Having  sailed  up  the  great  river  (Broad  River)  on  the  north 
side,  in  coasting  an  isle  which  endeth  with  a  sharp  point  toward  the 
mouth  of  the  river,  having  sailed  awhile,  he  discovered  a  small  river, 
which  entered  into  the  island,  which  he  would  not  fail  to  search  out. 
Which  done,  and  finding  the  same  deep  enough  to  harbor  therein 
galleys  and  galliots  in  good  number,  proceeding  further,  he  found 
a  very  open  place,  joining  upon  the  brink  thereof,  where  he  went  on 
land ;  and,  seeing  the  place  fit  to  build  a  fortress  on,  and  commo 
dious  for  them  that  were  willing  to  plant  there,  he  resolved,  inconti 
nent,  to  cause  the  bigness  of  the  fortification  to  be  measured  out. 
And,  considering  that  there  stayed  but  six-and-twenty  there,  he 
caused  the  fort  to  be  made,  in  length,  but  sixteen  fathoms,  and 
thirteen  in  breadth,  with  flanks,  according  to  the  proportion 
thereof.  The  measure  being  taken  by  me  and  Captain  SALLES, 
we  sent  unto  the  ships  for  men,  and  to  bring  shovels,  pick 
axes,  and  other  instruments  necessary  to  make  the  fortification. 
We  labored  so  diligently,  that,  in  a  short  space,  the  fort  was 
made,  in  some  sort,  defensable.  In  which,  meantime,  JOHN 
RIBAULT  caused  victuals  and  warlike  munition  to  be  brought 
for  the  defense  of  the  place.  After  he  had  furnished  them  with 
all  such  things  as  they  had  need  of,  he  determined  to  take  his 
leave  of  them ;  but,  before  his  departure,  he  used  this  speech 
unto  Captain  ALBERT,  which  he  left  in  this  place: — 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  jg 

"Captain  ALBERT,  I  have  to  request  you,  in  the  presence  of  I5"'2< 
these  men,  that  you  would  quit  yourself  so  wisely  in  your  charge,  and 
govern  so  modestly  your  small  company  which  I  leave  you,  which  with 
so  good  cheer  remaineth  under  your  obedience,  that  I  never  occasion 
but  to  command  you,  and  to  recount  unto  the  King  (as  I  am  desirous) 
the  faithful  service  which,  before  us  all,  you  undertake  to  do  him  in 
his  New  France.  And  you,  companions  (quoth  he  to  the  soldiers),  1 
beseech  you  also  to  esteem  of  Captain  ALBERT,  as  if  he  were  myself 
that  stayed  here  with  you,  yielding  him  that  obedience  which  a  true 
soldier  oweth  unto  his  general  and  captain,  living  as  brethren,  one 
with  another,  without  all  dissension  ;  and,  in  so  doing,  GOD  w ill 
assist  you  and  bless  your  enterprises" 

Having  ended  his  exhortations,  we  took  our  leaves  of  each  of 
them,  and  sailed  towards  our  ships,  calling  the  fort  by  the  name 
of  Charles  Fort,*  and  the  river  by  the  name  of  Chenonceau.  The 
next  day,  we  determined  to  depart  from  this  place,  being  as  well 
contented  as  was  possible  that  we  had  so  happily  ended  our 
business,  with  good  hope,  if  occasion  would  permit,  to  discover 
perfectly  the  River  of  "Jordan  (the  Combahee,  of  South  Carolina). 
For  this  cause,  we  hoisted  our  sails,  about  ten  of  the  clock  in 
the  morning;  after  we  were  ready  to  depart,  Captain  RIBAULT 
commanded  to  shoot  off  our  ordnance,  to  give  a  farewell  unto 
our  Frenchmen,  which  failed  not  to  do  the  like  on  their  part. 
This  being  done,  we  sailed  toward  the  north,  and  then  we 


*  It  was  named  in  compliment  to  CHARLES  IX,  king  of  France,  who  had  given  the 
Huguenots   permission  to  effect  a  settlement  in  Florida.      All    the  explorations   hereto 
fore  made  concur  in  placing  this  fort  between  Broad  River  and  North  Edisto,  in  South 
Carolina,  and  on  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Beaufort.     The  Grande  Ri-viere  of  th 
French  is  no  other  than  the  Broad  River  of  South  Carolina. 


Tg8  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  named  this  river  Port  Royal,  because  of  the  largeness  and  excel 
lent  fairness  of  the  same.  After  that  we  had  sailed  about  fifteen 
leagues  from  thence,  we  espied  a  river,  whereupn  we  sent  our 
pinnace  thither  to  discover  it.  At  their  return,  they  brought  us 
word  that  they  found  not  past  half  a  fathom  water  in  the  mouth 
thereof,  which,  when  we  understood,  without  doing  anything 
else,  we  continued  our  way,  and  called  it  the  Base,  or  Shallow 
River.  As  we  still  went  on  sounding,  we  found  not  past  five 
or  six  fathoms  water,  although  we  were  six  good  leagues  from 
the  shore.  At  length,  we  found  not  past  three  fathoms,  which 
gave  us  occasion  greatly  to  muse,  and,  without  making  any 
further  way,  we  struck  our  sails,  partly  because  we  wanted 
water,  and  partly  because  the  night  approached.  During  which 
time,  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  bethought  with  himself,  whether 
it  were  best  for  him  to  pass  any  farther,  because  of  the  immin 
ent  dangers  which,  every  hour,  we  saw  before  our  eyes,  or 
whether  he  should  content  himself  with  that  which  he  had  cer 
tainly  discovered,  and,  also,  left  men  to  inhabit  the  country. 
Being  not  able,  for  that  time,  to  resolve  with  himself,  he  referred 
it  until  the  next  day.  The  morning  being  come,  he  proposed  to 
all  the  company  what  was  best  to  be  done,  to  the  end  that, 
with  good  advisement,  every  man  might  deliver  his  opinion. 
Some  made  answer,  that,  according  to  their  judgment,  he  had 
occasion  fully  to  content  himself,  considering  that  he  could  do 
no  more;  laying  before  his  eyes,  that  he  had  discovered  more 
in  six  weeks  than  the  Spaniards  had  done  in  two  years  in  the 
conquest  of  their  New  Spain,  and  that  he  should  do  the  King 
very  great  service,  if  he  did  bring  him  news,  in  so  short  a  time, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  I(^ 

of  his  happy  discovery.  Others  showed  unto  him  the  loss  and  1562. 
spoil  of  his  victuals,  and,  on  the  other  side,  the  inconvenience 
that  might  happen  by  the  shallow  water  that  they  found  con 
tinually  along  the  coast.  Which  things  being  well  and  at  large 
debated,  we  resolved  to  leave  the  coast,  forsaking  the  north,  to 
take  our  way  toward  the  east,  which  is  the*  right  way  and  course 
to  our  France,  where  we  happily  arrived  the  2Oth  day  of  July, 
1562. 


200 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     III. 


1562. 


U  R  men,  after  our  departure,  never 
rested,  but,  night  and  day,  did  fortify 
themselves,  being  in  good  hope  that, 
after  Charles  Fort  was  finished,  they 
would  begin  to  discover  farther  up 
within  the  river.  It  happened,  one 

day,  as  certain  of  them  were  cutting  of  roots  in  the  groves, 
that  they  espied,  on  the  sudden,  an  Indian  that  hunted  the  deer, 
which,  finding  himself  so  near  upon  them,  was  much  dismayed, 
but  our  men  began  to  draw  near  unto  him,  and  to  use  him  so 
courteously,  that  he  became  assured,  and  followed  them  to 
Charles  Fort^  where  every  man  sought  to  do  him  pleasure. 
Captain  ALBERT  was  very  joyful  of  his  coming,  which,  after  he 
had  given  him  a  shirt,  and  some  other  trifles,  he  asked  him  of 
his  dwelling;  the  Indian  answered  him,  that  it  was  farther  up 
within  the  river,  and  that  he  was  vassal  of  King  AUDUSTA;  he 
also  showed  him,  with  his  hand,  the  limits  of  his  habitation. 
After  much  other  talk,  the  Indian  desired  leave  to  depart, 
because  it  drew  toward  night,  which  Captain  ALBERT  granted 
him  very  willingly.  Certain  days  after,  the  captain  determined 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  2OI 

to  sail  towards  Audusta,  where,  being  arrived,  by  reason  of  the  1562, 
honest  entertainment  which  he  had  given  to  the  Indian,  he 
was  so  courteously  received,  that  the  king  talked  with  him  of 
nothing  else  but  of  the  desire  which  he  had  to  become  his 
friend,  giving  him,  besides,  to  understand,  that  he,  being  his 
friend  and  ally,  he  should  have  the  amity  of  four  other  kings, 
which,  in  might  and  authority,  were  able  to  do  much  for  his 
sake.  Besides  all  this,  in  his  necessity,  they  might  be  able 
to  succor  him  with  victuals.  One  of  these  kings  was  called 
WAYON,  another,  HOYA,  the  third,  TOUPPA,  and  the  fourth, 
STALAME.  He  told  them,  moreover,  that  he  would  be  very 
glad  when  they  should  understand  the  news  of  his  coming,  and, 
therefore,  he  prayed  him  to  vouchsafe  to  visit  them.  The 
captain  willingly  consented  unto  him,  for  the  desire  that  he  had 
to  purchase  friends  in  that  place.  Therefore,  they  departed  the 
next  morning,  very  early,  and  first  arrived  at  the  house  of  King 
TOUPPA,  and,  afterwards,  went  into  the  other  kings'  houses, 
except  the  house  of  King  STALAME.  He  received,  of  each  of 
them,  all  the  amiable  courtesies  that  might  be;  they  showed 
themselves  to  be  as  affectioned  friends  unto  him  as  was  possible, 
and  offered  unto  him  a  thousand  small  presents.  After  that  he 
had  remained  by  the  space  of  certain  days  with  these  strange 
kings,  he  determined  to  take  his  leave,  and,  being  come  back  to 
the  house  of  AUDUSTA,  he  commanded  all  his  men  to  go  aboard 
their  pinnaces,  for  he  was  minded  to  go  towards  the  country  of 
King  STALAME,  which  dwelt  toward  the  north,  the  distance  of 
fifteen  great  leagues  from  Charles  Fort.  Therefore,  as  they  sailed 

up  the  river,  they  entered  into  a  great  current,  which  they  fol- 

26 


202  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  lowed  so  far,  till  they  came  at  the  last  to  the  house  of  STALAME, 
which  brought  him  into  his  lodging,  where  he  sought  to  make 
them  the  best  cheer  he  could  devise.  He  presented,  imme 
diately,  unto  Captain  ALBERT,  his  bows  and  arrows,  which  is  a 
sign  and  confirmation  of  alliance  between  them.  He  presented 
him  with  chamois-skins.  The  captain,  seeing  the  best  part  of 
the  day  was  now  past,  took  his  leave  of  King  STALAME  to 
return  to  Charles  Fort,  where  he  arrived  the  day  following. 
By  this  time,  the  friendship  had  grown  so  great  between  our 
men  and  King  AUDUSTA,  that,  in  a  manner,  all  things  were 
common  between  him  and  them,  in  such  sort,  that  this  good 
Indian  king  did  nothing  of  importance  but  he  called  our  men 
thereunto;  for,  when  the  time  drew  near  of  the  celebrating  the 
feasts  of  Toya,  which  are  ceremonies  most  strange  to  recite,  he 
sent  ambassadors  to  our  men,  to  request  them,  on  his  behalf,  to 
be  there  present.  Whereupon  they  agreed,  most  willingly,  for 
the  desire  that  they  had  to  understand  what  this  might  be. 
They  embarked  themselves,  therefore,  and  sailed  towards  the 
king's  house,  which  was  already  come  forth  on  the  way  towards 
them,  to  receive  them  courteously,  to  bid  them  welcome,  and 
bring  them  to  his  house,  where  he  sought  to  entreat  them  the 
best  he  might.  In  the  meanwhile,  the  Indians  prepared  them 
selves  to  celebrate  the  feast  the  morrow  after,  and  the  king 
brought  them  to  see  the  place,  wherein  the  feast  should  be  kept, 
where  they  saw  many  women  round  about,  which  labored,  by 
all  means,  to  make  the  place  clean  and  neat.  This  place  was 
a  great  circuit  of  ground,  with  open  prospect,  and  round  in 
figure.  On  the  morrow,  therefore,  early  in  the  morning,  all 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


203 


they  which  were  chosen  to  celebrate  the  feast,  being  painted  and  1562. 
trimmed  with  rich  feathers,  of  divers  colors,  put  themselves  on 
the  way  to  go  from  the  king's  house  toward  the  place  of  Toya; 
whereunto,  when  they  were  come,  they  set  themselves  in  order, 
and  followed  three  Indians,  which,  in  painting  and  in  gesture, 
were  differing  from  the  rest ;  each  of  them  bear  a  tabret  in  their 
hand,  dancing  and  singing  a  lamentable  tune,  when  they  began 
to  enter  into  the  midst  of  the  round  circuit,  being  followed  of 
others  which  answered  them  again.  After  that  they  had  sung, 
danced,  and  turned  three  times,  they  fell  on  running,  like  un 
bridled  horses,  through  the  midst  of  the  thickest  woods.  And 
then  the  Indian  women  continued,  all  the  rest  of  the  day,  in 
tears  as  sad  and  woeful  as  was  possible,  and,  in  such  rage,  they 
cut  the  arms  of  the  young  girls,  which  they  lanced  so  cruelly 
with  sharp  shells  of  mussels,  that  the  blood  followed,  which  they 
flung  into  the  air,  crying  out,  three  times,  "He  Toya!" 

The  King  AUDUSTA  had  gathered  all  our  men  into  his  house, 
while  the  feast  was  celebrated,  and  was  exceedingly  offended 
when  he  saw  them  laugh.  This  he  did,  because  the  Indians  are 
very  angry  when  they  are  seen  in  their  ceremonies.  Notwith 
standing,  one  of  our  men  made  such  shift,  that,  by  subtle 
means,  he  got  out  of  the  house  of  AUDUSTA,  and  secretly  went 
and  hid  himself  behind  a  very  thick  bush,  where,  at  his  pleasure, 
he  might  easily  descry  the  ceremonies  of  the  feast.  They  three 
that  began  the  feast,  are  named  lawas,  and  they  are,  as  it  were, 
three  priests  of  the  Indian  law,  to  whom  they  give  credit  and 
belief,  partly  because,  that,  by  kindred,  they  are  ordained  to  be 
over  their  sacrifices,  and  partly,  also,  because  they  be  so  subtle 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  magicians,  that  anything  that  is  lost  is  straightway  recovered  by 
their  means.  Again,  they  are  not  reverenced  for  these  things, 
but,  also,  because  they  heal  diseases  by — I  wot  not  what  kind  of 
knowledge  and  skill  they  have.  Those  that  ran  so  through  the 
woods,  returned  two  days  after;  after  their  return,  they  began 
to  dance  with  a  cheerful  courage,  in  the  midst  of  the  fair  place, 
and  to  cheer  up  their  good  old  Indian  fathers,  which,  either  by 
reason  of  their  too  great  age,  or  by  reason  of  their  natural  indis 
position  and  feebleness,  were  not  called  to  the  feast.  When  all 
these  dances  were  ended,  they  fell  to  eating  with  such  a  greedi 
ness,  that  they  seemed  rather  to  devour  their  meat  than  to  eat  it, 
for  they  had  neither  eaten  nor  drank  the  day  of  the  feast,  nor  the 
two  days  following.  Our  men  were  not  forgotten  at  this  good 
cheer,  for  the  Indians  sent  for  them  all  thither,  showing  them 
selves  very  glad  of  their  presence.  While  they  remained  a  cer 
tain  time  with  the  Indians,  a  man  of  ours  got  a  young  boy, 
for  certain  trifles,  and  enquired  of  him  what  the  Indians  did  in 
the  woods  during  their  absence,  which  boy  made  him  under 
stand,  by  signs,  that  lawas  had  made  invocations  to  Toya,  and 
that,  by  magical  characters,  they  had  made  him  come  that  they 
might  speak  with  him,  and  demand  divers  strange  things  of  him, 
which,  for  fear  of  the  lawas,  he  durst  not  utter.  They  have, 
also,  many  other  ceremonies,  which  I  will  not  here  rehearse, 
for  fear  of  molesting  the  reader  with  a  matter  of  so  small 
importance.  When  the  feast,  therefore,  was  finished,  our  men 
returned  unto  Charles  Fort,  where,  having  remained  but  awhile, 
their  victuals  began  to  wax  short,  which  forced  them  to  have 
recourse  unto  their  neighbors,  and  to  pray  them  to  succor  them 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


2C»5 


in  their  necessity,  which  gave  them  part  of  all  the  victuals  l  $6~ 
which  they  had,  and  kept  no  more  unto  themselves  than  would 
serve  to  sow  their  fields.  They  told  them,  further,  that,  for 
this  cause,  it  was  needful  for  them  to  retire  themselves  into  the 
woods,  to  live  on  mash  and  roots  until  the  time  of  harvest, 
being  as  sorry  as  might  be  that  they  were  not  able  any  further 
to  aid  them.  They  gave  them,  also,  counsel  to  go  toward  the 
countries  of  King  COUEXIS,  a  man  of  might  and  renown  in  this 
province,  which  maketh  his  abode  toward  the  south,  abounding, 
at  all  seasons,  and  replenished  with  such  quantity  of  mill,  corn 
and  beans,  that,  by  his  only  succor,  they  might  be  able  to 
live  a  very  long  time.  But,  before  they  should  come  into  his 
territories,  they  were  to  repair  unto  a  king,  called  OUDE,  the 
brother  of  COUEXIS,  which,  in  mill,  corn,  and  beans,  was  no  less 
wealthy,  and,  withal,  is  very  liberal,  and  which  would  be  very  joy 
ful  if  he  might  but  once  see  them.  Our  men,  perceiving  the 
good  relation  which  the  Indians  made  them  of  those  two  kings, 
resolved  to  go  thither,  for  they  felt  already  the  necessity  which 
oppressed  them.  Therefore,  they  made  request  unto  King 
MACCOA,  that  it  would  please  him  to  give  them  one  of  his 
subjects  to  guide  them  the  right  way  thither,  whereupon  he 
condescended,  very  willingly,  knowing  that,  without  his  favor, 
they  should  have  much  ado  to  bring  their  enterprise  to  pass. 
Wherefore,  after  they  had  given  orders  for  all  things  necessary 
for  the  voyage,  they  put  themselves  to  sea,  and  sailed  so  far, 
that,  in  the  end,  they  came  into  the  country  Ouade,  which  they 
found  to  be  in  the  river  Belle*  Being  there  arrived,  they 

The  river  Belle,  of  the  French  commander,  is  now  the  river  May,  of  South  Carolina. 


206  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  perceived  a  company  of  Indians,  which,  as  soon  as  they  knew 
of  their  being  there,  came  before  them.  As  soon  as  they 
were  come  near  them,  their  guides  showed  them,  by  signs, 
that  OUDA  was  in  this  company,  wherefore,  our  men  Set  for 
ward  to  salute  him.  And  then,  two  of  his  sons,  which  were 
with  him,  being  goodly  and  strong  men,  saluted  them  again 
in  very  good  sort,  and  used  very  friendly  entertainment  on  their 
part. 

The  king  immediately  began  to  make  an  oration,  in  his  Indian 
language,  of  the  great  pleasure  and  contentment  which  he  had  to 
see  them  in  that  place,  protesting  that  he  would  become  so  loyal 
a  friend  of  theirs  hereafter,  that  he  would  be  their  faithful 
defender  against  all  them  that  would  offer  to  be  their  enemies. 
After  these  speeches,  he  led  them  towards  his  house,  where  he 
sought  to  treat  them  very  courteously.  His  house  was  hung 
around  with  tapestry  of  feathers,  of  divers  colors,  the  heighth  of 
a  pike.  Moreover,  the  place  where  the  king  took  his  rest  was 
covered  with  white  coverlets,  embroidered  with  devices  of  very 
witty  and  fine  workmanship,  and  fringed  round  about  with  a 
fringe,  dyed  in  the  color  of  scarlet.  They  advertised  the  king, 
by  one  of  the  guides — which  they  had  brought  with  them — how 
that  (having  heard  of  this  great  liberality)  they  had  put  to  sea  to 
come  to  beseech  him  to  succor  them  with  victuals  in  their  great 
want  and  necessity;  and  that,  in  so  doing,  he  should  bind  them 
all,  hereafter,  to  remain  his  faithful  friends  and  loyal  defenders 
against  all  his  enemies.  This  good  Indian,  as  soon  ready  to  do 
them  pleasure  as  they  were  to  demand  it,  commanded  his  sub 
jects  that  they  should  fill  our  pinnaces  with  mill  and  beans. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  2O7 

Afterward,   he   caused    them    to    bring    him    six    pieces   of  his       1562, 
tapistry,  made  like  little  coverlets,  and  gave  them  to  our  men, 
with  so  liberal  a  mind,  as  they  easily  perceived  the  desire  which 
he  had  to  become  their  friend. 


208 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     IV. 


I  r  62.         Igpf^^^^^^^l  N   recompense  of  all  these  gifts,  our  men 

gave  him  two  cutting-hooks,  and  certain 
other  trifles,  wherewith  he  held  himselt 
greatly  satisfied.  This  being  done,  our 
men  took  leave  of  the  king,  which,  for 

their  farewell,  said  nothing  else  but  that  they  should  return  if 
they  wanted  victuals,  and  that  they  might  assure  themselves  of 
him,  that  they  should  never  want  anything  that  was  in  his  power. 
Wherefore,  they  embarked  themselves,  and  sailed  towards  Charles 
Fort,  which,  from  this  place,  might  be  some  five-and-twenty 
leagues  distant.  But,  as  soon  as  our  men  thought  themselves 
at  their  ease,  and  free  from  the  dangers  whereunto  they  had 
exposed  themselves,  night  and  day,  in  gathering  together  of 
victuals  here  and  there  ;  lo  !  even  as  they  were  asleep,  the  fire 
caught  in  their  lodgings  with  such  fury — being  increased  by  the 
wind — that  the  room  that  was  built  for  them  before  our  men's 
departure,  was  consumed  in  an  instant,  without  being  able  to 
save  anything,  saving  a  little  of  their  victuals.  Whereupon  our 
men,  being  far  from  all  succors,  found  themselves  in  such 
extremity,  that,  without  the  aid  of  Almighty  God,  the  only 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA 


2C>9 


searcher  of  the  hearts  and  thoughts  of  men,  which  never  for- 
saketh  those  that  seek  him  in  their  affliction,  they  had  been 
quite  and  clean  out  of  all  hope.  For,  the  next  day,  betimes  in 
the  morning,  the  King  AUDUSTA  and  King  MACCOU  came 
thither,  accompanied  with  a  very  good  company  of  Indians, 
which,  knowing  the  misfortune,  were  very  sorry  for  it ;  and 
then  they  uttered  unto  their  subjects  the  speedy  diligence  which 
they  were  to  use  in  building  another  house,  showing  unto  them 
that  the  Frenchmen  were  their  loving  friends,  and  that  they  had 
made  it  evident  unto  them  by  the  gifts  and  presents  which  they 
had  received;  protesting  that  whosoever  put  not  his  helping 
hand  unto  the  work  with  all  his  might,  should  be  esteemed  as 
unprofitable,  and  as  one  that  had  no  good  part  in  him,  which  the 
savages  fear  above  all  things.  This  was  the  occasion  that  every 
man  began  to  endeavor  himself  in  such  sort,  that,  in  less  than 
twelve  hours,  they  had  begun  and  finished  a  house,  which  was 
very  near  as  great  as  the  former.  Which,  being  ended,  they 
returned  home,  fully  contented  with  a  few  cutting-hooks  and 
hatchets,  which  they  received  from  our  men.  Within  a  small 
while  after  this  mischance,  their  victuals  began  to  wax  short, 
and,  after  our  men  had  taken  good  deliberation,  thought  and 
bethought  themselves  again,  they  found  that  there  was  no  better 
way  for  them  than  to  return  again  to  the  King  OUADE,  and 
COUEXIS,  his  brother.  Wherefore,  they  resolved  to  send  thither 
some  of  their  company  the  next  day  following,  which,  with  an 
Indian  canoe,  sailed  up  into  the  country  about  ten  leagues; 
afterward,  they  found  a  very  fair  and  great  river,  of  fresh  water, 

which  they  failed  not  to  search  out ;  they  found,  therein,  a  great 

27 


2io  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1502.  number  of  crocodiles,  which,  in  greatness,  pass  those  of  the 
river  Nilus  (Nile).  Moreover,  all  along  the  banks  thereof,  there 
grow  mighty  high  cypresses.  After  they  had  staid  a  small 
while  in  this  place,  they  purposed  to  follow  their  journey,  help 
ing  themselves  so  well  with  the  tides,  that,  without  putting 
themselves  in  danger  of  the  continual  perils  of  the  sea,  they 
came  unto  the  country  of  OUADE,  of  whom  they  were  most 
courteously  received.  They  advertised  him  of  the  occasion 
wherefore  they  came  again  to  visit  him,  and  told  him  of  the 
mischance  which  happened  unto  them  since  their  last  voyages ; 
how  they  had  not  only  lost  their  household  stuff  by  casuality  of 
fire,  but  also  their  victuals  which  he  had  given  them  so  bounti 
fully  ;  that,  for  this  cause,  they  were  so  bold  as  to  come  once 
again  unto  him,  to  beseech  him  to  vouchsafe  to  succor  them  in 
such  need  and  necessity. 

After  that  the  king  had  understood  their  cause,  he  sent  mes 
sengers  unto  his  brother  COUEXIS,  to  request  him,  upon  his 
behalf,  to  send  him  some  of  his  mill  and  beans,  which  thing  he 
did,  and,  the  next  morning,  they  were  come  again  with  victuals, 
which  the  king  caused  to  be  borne  into  their  canoe.  Our  men 
would  have  taken  their  leave  of  him,  finding  themselves  more 
than  satisfied  with  their  liberality ;  but,  for  that  day,  he  would 
not  suffer  them,  but  retained  them,  and  sought  to  make  them 
the  best  cheer  he  could  devise.  The  next  day,  very  early  in  the 
morning,  he  took  them  with  him  to  show  them  the  place  where 
his  corn  grew,  and  said  unto  them,  that  they  should  not  want 
as  long  as  all  that  mill  did  last.  After  that,  he  gave  them  a 
certain  number  of  exceeding  fair  pearls,  and  two  stones  of  fine 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  211 

crystal,  and  certain  silver  ore.  Our  men  forgot  not  to  give  him  1562. 
certain  trifles  in  recompense  of  these  presents,  and  inquired  of 
him  the  place  whence  the  silver  ore  and  the  crystal  came.  He 
made  them  answer,  that  it  came  ten  days'  journey  from  his 
habitation,  up  within  the  country  ;  and  that  the  inhabitants  of 
the  country  did  dig  the  same  at  the  foot  of  certain  high  moun 
tains,  where  they  found  of  it  in  very  good  quantity.  Being 
joyful  to  understand  so  good  news,  and  to  have  come  to  the 
knowledge  of  that  which  they  most  desired,  they  took  their 
leave  of  the  king,  and  returned  by  the  same  way  by  which  they 
came. 

Behold,  therefore,  how  our  men  behaved  themselves  very 
well  hitherto,  although  they  had  endured  many  great  mishaps. 
But  misfortune,  or  rather  the  just  judgment  of  GOD  would  have 
it,  that  those  which  could  not  be  overcome  by  fire  nor  water, 
should  be  undone  by  their  own  selves.  This  is  the  common 
fashion  of  men,  which  cannot  continue  in  one  state,  and  had 
rather  to  overthrow  themselves,  than  not  to  attempt  some  new 
thing  daily.  We  have  infinite  examples  in  the  ancient  histories, 
especially  of  the  Romans,  unto  which  number  this  little  handful 
of  men,  being  far  from  their  country,  and  absent  from  their 
countrymen,  have  also  added  this  present  example.  They 
entered,  therefore,  into  partialities  and  dissensions,  which  began 
about  a  soldier,  named  GUERNACHE,  which  was  a  drummer  of 
the  French  bands,  which,  as  it  was  told  me,  was  very  cruelly 
hanged  by  his  own  captain,  and  for  a  small  fault ;  which  captain 
also  using  to  threaten  the  rest  of  his  soldiers  which  staid  behind 
under  his  obedience,  and,  peradventure  (as  it  is  to  be  presumed), 


212 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


1562.  were  not  so  obedient  to  him  as  they  should  have  been,  was  the 
cause  that  they  fell  into  a  mutiny,  because  that,  many  times,  he 
put  his  threatenings  in  execution,  whereupon  they  so  chased 
him,  that,  at  last,  they  put  him  to  death.  And  the  principal 
occasion  that  moved  them  thereunto  was  because  he  degraded 
another  soldier,  named  LE  CHERE  (which  he  had  banished), 
and  because  he  had  not  performed  his  promise;  for  he  had 
promised  to  send  him  victuals,  from  eight  days  to  eight  days, 
which  thing  he  did  not,  but  said,  on  the  contrary,  that  he  would 
be  glad  to  hear  of  his  death.  He  said,  moreover,  that  he  would 
chastise  others  also,  and  used  so  evil-sounding  speeches,  that 
honesty  forbiddeth  me  to  repeat  them.  The  soldiers,  seeing  his 
manners  to  increase  from  day  to  day,  and  fearing  to  fall  into  the 
dangers  of  the  other,  resolved  to  kill  him.  Having  executed 
their  purpose,  they  went  to  seek  the  soldier  that  was  banished, 
which  was  in  a  small  island,  distant  from  Charles  Fort  about 
three  leagues,  where  they  found  him  almost  half  dead  for 
hunger.  When  they  were  come  home  again,  they  assembled 
themselves  together,  to  choose  one  to  be  governor  over  them, 
whose  name  was  NICHOLAS  BARRE,  a  man  worthy  of  commen 
dation,  and  one  who  knew  so  well  to  quit  himself  of  his  charge, 
that  all  rancor  and  dissension  ceased  among  them,  and  they  lived 
peaceably,  one  with  another.  During  this  time,  they  began  to 
build  a  final  pinnace,  with  hope  to  return  into  France,  if  no 
succors  came  unto  them,  as  they  expected  from  day  to  day. 
And  though  there  were  no  man  among  them  that  had  any  skill, 
notwithstanding,  necessity,  which  is  the  mistress  of  all  sciences, 
taught  them  the  way  to  build  it.  After  that  it  was  finished, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  213 

they  thought  of  nothing  else  saving  how  to  furnish  it  with  all  1562. 
things  necessary  to  undertake  the  voyage.  But  they  wanted 
those  things,  that,  of  all  others,  were  most  needful,  as  cordage 
and  sails,  without  which  the  enterprise  could  not  come  to  effect. 
Having  no  means  to  recover  these  things,  they  were  in  worse 
case  than  at  the  first,  and  almost  ready  to  fall  into  despair;  but 
that  good  GOD,  which  never  forsaketh  the  afflicted,  did  succor 
them  in  their  necessity. 

As  they  were  in  these  perplexities,  King  AUDUSTA,  and 
MACCOU,  came  to  them,  accompanied  with  two  hundred  Indians, 
at  the  least,  whom  our  Frenchmen  went  forth  to  meet  withal, 
and  showed  the  king  in  what  need  of  cordage  they  stood,  who 
promised  them  to  return  within  two  days,  and  bring  as  much  as 
should  suffice  to  furnish  the  pinnace  with  tacking. 

Our  men  being  pleased  with  these  good  news  and  promises, 
bestowed  upon  them  certain  cutting-hooks,  and  shirts.  After 
their  departure,  our  men  sought  all  means  to  recover  rosin  in 
the  woods,  wherein  they  cut  the  pine  trees  round  about,  out  of 
which  they  drew  sufficient  reasonable  quantity  to  bray  the 
vessel.  Also,  they  gathered  a  kind  of  moss,  which  groweth  on 
the  trees  of  this  country,  to  serve  to  caulk  the  same  withal. 
There  now  wanted  nothing  but  sails,  which  they  made  of  their 
own  shirts,  and  of  their  sheets.  Within  a  few  days  after,  the 
Indian  kings  returned  to  Charles  Fort,  with  so  good  store  of 
cordage,  that  there  was  found  sufficient  for  tackling  of  the  small 
pinnace.  One  man,  as  glad  as  might  be,  used  great  liberality 
towards  them,  and,  at  their  leaving  of  the  country,  left  them  all 
the  merchandize  that  remained,  leaving  them,  thereby,  so  fully 


214 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


562.  satisfied,  that  they  departed  from  them  with  all  the  contentation 
of  the  world.  They  went  forward,  therefore,  to  finish  the 
brigantine,  and  used  so  speedy  diligence,  that,  within  a  short 
time  afterward,  they  made  it  ready  furnished  with  all  things. 
In  the  mean  season,  the  wind  came  so  fit  for  their  purpose,  that 
it  seemed  to  invite  them  to  put  to  the  sea,  which  they  did  with 
out  delay,  after  they  had  set  all  things  in  order;  but,  before  they 
departed,  they  embarked  their  artillery,  their  forage,  and  other 
munitions  of  war,  which  Captain  RIBAULT  had  left  them,  and 
then  as  much  mill  as  they  could  gather  together.  But,  being 
drunken  with  the  too  excellent  joy  which  they  had  conceived 
for  their  returning  into  France,  or  rather,  deprived  of  all  fore 
sight  and  consideration,  without  regarding  the  inconstancy  of  the 
winds,  which  changed  in  a  moment,  they  put  themselves  to  sea, 
and,  with  so  slender  victuals,  that  the  end  of  their  enterprise 
became  unlucky  and  unfortunate.  For,  after  they  had  sailed 
the  third  part  of  their  way,  they  were  surprised  with  calms, 
which  did  so  much  hinder  them,  that,  in  three  weeks,  they 
sailed  not  above  five-and-twenty  leagues.  During  this  time, 
their  victuals  consumed,  and  became  so  short  that  every  man 
was  constrained  to  eat  not  past  twelve  grains  of  mill  by  the  day, 
which  may  be  in  value  as  much  as  twelve  pesos.  Yea,  and 
this  felicity  lasted  not  long,  for  their  victuals  failed  them  alto 
gether  at  once,  and  they  had  nothing  for  their  more  assured 
refuge  but  their  shoes  and  leather  jerkins,  which  they  did  eat. 
Touching  their  beverage,  some  of  them  drank  the  sea-water, 
others  did  drink  their  own  brine,  and  they  remained  in  such 
desperate  necessity  a  very  long  space,  during  the  which  part  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

them  died  for  hunger.  Beside  this  extreme  famine  which  did  1 562. 
so  grievously  oppress  them,  they  fell,  every  minute  of  an  hour, 
out  of  all  hope  ever  to  see  France  again,  insomuch  that  they 
were  constrained  to  cast  the  water  continually  out,  that,  on  all 
sides,  entered  into  their  bark.  And,  every  day,  they  fared 
worse  and  worse ;  for,  after  they  had  eaten  up  their  boots  and 
their  leather  jerkins,  there  arose  so  boisterous  a  wind,  and  so 
contrary  to  their  course,  that,  in  the  turning  of  a  hand,  the 
waves  rilled  their  vessels  half  full  of  water,  and  bruised  it  upon 
the  one  side. 

Being  now  more  out  of  hope  than  ever  to  escape  out  of  this 
extreme  peril,  they  cared  not  for  the  casting  out  of  the  water, 
which  now  was  almost  ready  to  drown  them.  And,  as  men 
resolved  to  die,  every  one  fell  down  backward,  and  gave  them 
selves  over  altogether  unto  the  will  of  the  waves.  Whereas 
one  of  them,  a  little  having  taken  heart  unto  him,  declared 
unto  them  how  little  way  they  had  to  sail,  assuring  them  that  if 
the  wind  held,  they  should  see  land  within  three  days.  This 
man  did  so  encourage  them,  that,  after  they  had  thrown  the 
water  out  of  the  pinnace,  they  remained  three  days  without  eat 
ing  or  drinking — except  it  were  of  the  sea-water.  When  the 
time  of  his  promise  was  expired,  they  were  more  troubled  than 
they  were  before,  seeing  they  could  not  descry  any  land  ; 
wherefore,  in  this  extreme  despair,  certain  among  them  made 
this  motion:  that  it  was  better  that  one  man  should  die,  than 
that  so  many  men  should  perish.  They  agreed,  therefore,  that 
one  should  die,  to  sustain  the  others — which  thing  was  executed 
in  the  person  of  LE  CHERE,  of  whom  we  have  spoken  hereto- 


2i  6  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  fore,  whose  flesh  was  divided  equally  among  his  fellows — a  thing 
so  pitiful  to  recite,  that  my  pen  is  loth  to  write  it. 

After  so  long  time  and  tedious  travels,  GOD,  of  his  goodness, 
using  his  accustomed  favor,  changed  their  sorrows  into  joy,  and 
showed  unto  them  the  sight  of  land ;  whereof  they  were  so 
exceeding  glad,  that  the  pleasure  caused  them  to  remain  a  long 
time,  as  men  without  sense,  whereby  they  let  the  pinnace  float 
this  and  that  way,  without  holding  any  right  way  or  course. 
But  a  small  English  bark  boarded  the  vessel,  in  the  which  there 
was  a  Frenchman  which  had  been  in  the  first  voyage  into 
Florida,  who  easily  knew  him,  and  spake  unto  them,  and  after 
ward  gave  them  meat  and  drink.  Incontinently,  they  recovered 
their  natural  courage,  and  declared  unto  him,  at  large,  all  their 
navigation.  The  Englishmen  consulted  a  long  while  what  were 
best  to  be  done;  and,  in  fine,  they  resolved  to  put  on  land 
those  that  were  most  feeble,  and  to  carry  the  rest  unto  the 
Queen  of  England,  which  purposed  at  that  time  to  send  into 
Florida.  Thus,  you  see,  in  brief,  that  which  happened  to  them 
which  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  had  left  in  Florida. 

And,  now,  will  I  go  forward  with  the  discourse  of  mine  own 
voyage. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


2I7 


CHAPTER     V. 


SECOND      EXPEDITION. 


F  T  E  R  our  arrival  at  Dieppe,  at  our 
coming  home  from  our  first  voyage 
(which  was  the  2Oth  of  July,  1562), 
we  found  that  civil  war  had  begun, 
which  was,  in  part,  the  cause  why  our 
men  were  not  succored,  as  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  had  prom 
ised  them  ;  whereof,  it  followed  that  Captain  ALBERT  was 
killed  by  his  soldiers,  and  the  country  abandoned,  as  heretofore 
we  have  sufficiently  discoursed,  and  as  it  may  more  at  large  be 
understood  by  those  men  which  were  there  in  person.  After 
the  peace  was  made  in  France,  my  Lord  Admiral  DE  CHAS- 
TILLON  showed  unto  the  King,  that  he  heard  no  news  at  all  of 
the  men  which  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  had  left  in  Florida,  and 
that  it  were  a  pity  to  suffer  them  to  perish.  In  which  respect 
the  King  was  content  he  should  cause  three  ships  to  be  fur 
nished — the  one  of  six-score  tons,  the  other  of  one  hundred, 
and  the  third  of  sixty,  to  seek  them  out,  and  to  succor  them.* 


*  On  the  return  of  M.  RIBAULT  to  France,  in  1562.,  to  obtain  supplies  and  rein 
forcements  for  the  colony  he  had  established  in  Florida,  he  found  the  kingdom  in 
such  a  distracted  condition,  that  it  was  impracticable  to  return.  The  death  of  the 

28 


21 8  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1562.  My  Lord  Admiral,  therefore,  being  well  informed  of  the  faith 

ful  service  which  I  had  done  as  well  unto  his  Majesty  as  to  his 
predecessors,  Kings  of  France,  advised  the  King  how  able  I 
was  to  do  him  service  in  this  voyage,  which  was  the  cause  that 
he  made  me  (RENE  LAUDONNIERE)*  chief  captain  over  these 
three  ships,  and  charged  me  to  depart  with  diligence  to  perform 
his  commandment,  which,  for  mine  own  part,  I  would  not  gain 
say,  but  rather  thinking  myself  happy  to  have  been  chosen  out 
of  among  such  an  infinite  number  of  others,  which,  in  my  judg 
ment,  were  very  well  able  to  have  acquitted  themselves  in  this 
charge. 

I  embarked  myself  at  New  Haven,  the  22d  of  April,  1564, 
and  sailed,  so  that  we  fell  near  upon  the  coast  of  England;  and 
then  I  turned  towards  the  south,  to  sail  directly  to  the  Fortunate 
Islands,  at  this  present  time  called  the  Canaries,  one  of  which, 
called  the  Isle  Savage  (because,  as  I  think,  it  is  altogether  with- 


Duke  of  GUISE,  soon  after,  restored  peace  to  France,  and  Admiral  COLIGNY  seized  the 
opportunity  to  urge  upon  the  King  the  importance  of  sending  immediate  relief  to  the 
colony  5  and,  as  the  civil  war  had  thrown  upon  the  kingdom  a  great  number  of  idle 
persons  who  were  anxious  to  emigrate,  the  King  ordered  another  expedition  to  be  fitted 
out,  and  gave  the  command  of  it  to  M.  LAUDONNIERE,  who  had  accompanied  M. 
RIBAULT  in  the  first  expedition.  On  the  22d  of  June,  1564,  he  arrived  on  the  coast 
of  Florida,  and,  on  the  25th,  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  May  (now  called  St. 
Johns}.  He  afterwards  proceeded  up  the  river,  to  a  place  now  called  St.  Johns  Bluff^ 
and  built  a  fort  5  on  the  right  was  the  bluff,  on  the  left  a  marsh,  in  front  of  the 
river,  and,  in  the  rear,  extensive  forests  of  the  indigenous  trees  of  the  country.  The 
remains  of  this  fort  are  still  to  be  traced,  and  was  named  Caroline.  It  was  the  second 
fort  built  by  the  French  in  Florida,  as  a  sign  of  the  jurisdiction  of  France  in  North 
America,  forty-three  years  before  the  first  settlement  of  the  English  at  James  Town, 
Virginia,  and  sixty-six  years  before  the  English  Puritans  arrived  in  the  May  Floiver, 
at  Plymouth,  Massachussets. 

*  CHARLEVOIX   describes    M.   LAUDONNIERE  as   "  Un   gentlehomme  de    merite — bon 
officier  de  marine  et  qui  avoit  meme  servi  sur  terre  avec   distinction." 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


2JQ 


out  inhabitants),  was  the  first  that  our  ships  passed.  Sailing, 
therefore,  on  forward,  we  landed  the  next  day  in  the  Isle  of 
Teneriffa,  otherwise  called  the  Pike,  because  that,  in  the  midst, 
thereof,  there  is  an  exceeding  high  mountain,  near  as  high  as 
that  of  Etna,  which  riseth  up  like  a  pike,  into  the  top  whereof 
no  man  can  go  up,  but  from  the  midst  of  May  until  the  midst 
of  August,  by  reason  of  the  over  great  cold  which  is  there  all 
the  year,  which  is  a  wonderful  strange  thing,  considering  that  it 
is  not  past  twenty-seven  and  a  half  degrees  distant  from  the 
Equator.  We  saw  it  all  covered  over  with  snow,  although  it 
were  then  but  the  fifth  of  May.  The  inhabitants  in  this  isle, 
being,  heretofore,  pursued  by  the  Spaniards,  retired  themselves 
into  this  mountain,  where,  for  a  space,  they  made  war  with 
them,  and  would  not  submit  themselves  to  their  obedience, 
neither  by  foul  nor  fair  means;  they  disdained  so  much  the  loss 
of  their  island.  For  those  which  went  thither,  on  the  Spaniard's 
behalf,  left  their  carcasses  there,  so  that  not  so  much  as  one  of 
them  returned  home  to  bring  the  news.  Notwithstanding,  in  the 
end,  the  inhabitants,  not  able  to  live  in  that  place  according  to 
their  nature,  or  for  want  of  such  things  as  were  necessary  for 
the  commodity  of  their  livelihood,  did  all  die  there.  After  I 
had  furnished  myself  with  some  fresh  water  —  very  good  and 
excellent,  which  sprang  out  of  a  rock  at  the  foot  of  this  moun 
tain  —  I  continued  my  course  toward  the  west,  wherein  the 
winds  favored  me  so  well,  that,  fifteen  days  after,  our  ships 
arrived  safe  and  sound  at  the  Antilles;  and,  going  on  land  at  the 
Isle  of  Martinlca  —  one  of  the  fiist  of  them  —  the  next  day  we 
arrived  at  Dominica,  twelve  leagues  distant  from  the  former. 


22O  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  Dominica  is  one  of  the  fairest  islands  of  the  west,  full  of  hills, 

and  of  very  good  smell,  whose  singularities  desiring  to  know  as 
we  passed,  and  seeking,  also,  to  refresh  ourselves  with  fresh 
water,  I  made  the  mariners  cast  anchor;  two  Indians  (inhabitants 
of  that  place)  sailed  toward  us,  in  two  canoes,  full  of  fruit  of 
great  excellence,  which  they  call  ananas.  As  they  approached 
unto  our  bark,  there  was  one  of  them,  which,  being  in  some 
misdoubt  of  us,  went  back  again  on  land,  and  fled  his  way  with 
as  much  speed  as  he  could  possibly,  which  our  men  perceived, 
and  entered  with  diligence  into  the  other  canoe,  wherein  they 
caught  the  poor  Indian,  and  brought  him  unto  me.  But  the 
poor  fellow  become  so  astonished  in  beholding  us,  that  he  knew 
not  which  way  to  behave  himself;  because  that  (as  afterward 
I  understood)  he  feared  that  he  was  fallen  into  the  Spaniard's 
hands,  of  whom  he  had  been  taken  once  before,  and  which,  as 
he  showed  us,  had  cut  off  his  stones.  At  length,  this  poor 
Indian  was  secure  of  us,  and  discoursed  unto  us  of  many  things, 
whereof  we  received  very  small  pleasure,  because  we  understood 
not  his  mind  but  by  his  signs.  Then  he  desired  me  to  give 
him  leave  to  depart,  and  promised  me  that  he  would  bring  me 
a  thousand  presents,  whereunto  I  agreed,  on  condition  that  he 
would  have  patience  until  the  next  day  ;  when  I  purposed  to 
go  on  land,  where  I  suffered  him  to  depart,  after  I  had  given 
him  a  shirt,  and  certain  small  trifles,  wherewith  he  departed, 
very  well  contented,  from  us. 

The  place  where  we  went  on  shore  was  hard  by  a  very  high 
rock,  out  of  which  there  ran  a  little  river  of  sweet  and  excellent 
good  water,  by  which  river  we  staid  certain  days,  to  discover 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  221 

the  things  which  were  worthy  to  be  seen,  and  trafficked  daily 
with  the  Indians,  which,  above  all  things,  besought  us  that  none 
of  our  men  should  come  near  their  lodgings,  nor  their  gardens, 
otherwise  that  we  should  give  them  great  cause  of  jealousy, 
and  that,  in  so  doing,  we  should  not  want  of  their  fruit,  which 
they  call  ananas,  whereof  they  offered  us  very  liberally,  receiv 
ing,  in  recompense,  certain  things  of  small  value.  This,  not 
withstanding,  it  happened,  that,  on  a  day,  certain  of  our  men, 
desirous  to  see  some  new  things  in  these  strange  countries, 
walked  through  the  woods,  and,  following  still  the  little  river's 
side,  they  spied  two  serpents,  of  exceeding  bigness,  which  went 
side  by  side  athwart  the  way.  My  soldiers  went  before  them, 
thinking  to  let  them  from  going  into  the  woods;  but  the  ser 
pents,  nothing  at  all  astonished  at  these  gestures,  glanced  into 
the  bushes  with  fearful  hissings ;  yet,  for  all  that,  my  men  drew 
their  swords  and  killed  them,  and  found  them,  afterward,  nine 
great  feet  long,  and  as  big  as  a  man's  leg.  During  this  combat, 
certain  others  more  indiscrete,  went  and  gathered  ananas  in  the 
Indians'  gardens,  trampling  through  them  without  any  discre 
tion;  and  not,  therewithal,  contented,  they  went  toward  their 
dwellings,  whereat'  the  Indians  were  so  much  offended,  that, 
without  regarding  anything,  they  rushed  upon  them  and  dis 
charged  their  shot,  so  that  they  hit  one  of  my  men,  named 
MARTINE  CHAUEAU,  which  remained  behind.  We  could  not 
know  whether  he  were  killed  on  the  place,  or  whether  he 
were  taken  prisoner,  for  those  of  his  company  had  enough 
to  do  to  save  themselves,  without  thinking  of  their  companion. 
Whereof  Monsieur  DE  OTTIGNI,  my  lieutenant,  being  adver- 


222  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  tised,  sent  unto  me  to  know  whether  I  thought  good  that  he 
should  lay  an  ambush  for  the  Indians,  which  had  either  taken 
or  killed  our  man,  or  whether  he  should  go  directly  to  their 
dwellings  to  know  the  truth.  I  sent  unto  him,  after  good 
deliberation  hereupon,  that  he  should  not  attempt  anything,  and 
that  for  divers  occasions;  but,  contrariwise,  that  he  should 
embark  himself  with  all  diligence,  and  consequently  all  they 
that  were  on  land,  which  he  did  with  speed.  But,  as  he  sailed 
toward  our  ships,  he  perceived,  along  the  shore,  a  great  number 
of  Indians,  which  began  to  charge  them  with  their  arrows;  he, 
for  his  part,  discharged  store  of  shot  against  them,  yet  was  not 
able  to  hurt  them,  or,  by  any  means,  to  surprise  them,  for 
which  cause  he  quite  forsook  them,  and  came  unto  our  ship. 
While  staying  until  the  next  day  morning,  we  set  sail,  follow 
ing  our  wonted  course,  and,  keeping  the  same,  we  discovered 
divers  isles,  conquered  by  the  Spaniards,  as  the  Isles  of  St.  Chris 
topher^  and  of  the  Saints  of  Montserrate,  and  La  Redonda.  After 
ward,  we  passed  between  Angullla  and  Anegarda,  sailing  toward 
New  France,  where  we  arrived  fifteen  days  after,  to  wit :  on 
Thursday,  the  22d  of  June,  about  three  of  the  clock  in  the 
afternoon,  and  landed  at  a  little  river,  which  is  thirty  degrees 
distant  from  the  Equator,  and  ten  leagues  above  Cape  Francois, 
drawing  toward  the  south,  and  about  thirty  leagues  above  the 
River  of  May. 

After  we  had  struck  sail  and  cast  anchor  athwart  the  river, 
I  determined  to  go  on  shore  to  discover  the  same.  Therefore, 
being  accompanied  with  Mons.  DE  OTTIGNI,  with  M.  ARLAC, 
mine  ensign,  and  a  certain  number  of  gentlemen  and  soldiers,  I 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


223 


embarked  myself  about  three  or  four  of  the  clock  in  the  even- 
ing.  And  being  arrived  at  the  mouth  of  the  river,  I  caused  the 
channel  to  be  sounded,  which  was  found  to  be  very  shallow, 
although  that,  further  within  the  same,  the  water  was  there 
found  reasonable  deep,  which  separateth  itself  into  two  great 
arms,  whereof  one  runneth  toward  the  south,  and  the  other 
toward  the  north.  Having  thus  searched  the  river,  I  went 
on  land  to  speak  with  the  Indians,  which  waited  for  us  upon 
the  shore,  which,  at  our  coming  on  land,  came  before  us,  crying, 
with  a  loud  voice,  in  their  Indian  language,  Antipola  Bonassou! 
which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  brother,  friend,  or  some  such  like 
thing.  After  they  had  made  very  much  of  us,  they  showed  us 
their  paracoussy — that  is  to  say,  thejr  king,  or  governor,  to  whom 
I  presented  certain  toys,  wherewith  he  was  well  pleased.  And, 
for  mine  own  part,  I  praised  GOD,  continually,  for  the  great  love 
which  I  have  found  in  these  savages,  which  were  sorry  for 
nothing,  but  that  the  night  approached,  and  made  us  retire  unto 
our  ships.  For,  though  they  endeavored,  by  all  means,  to  make 
us  tarry  with  them,  and  showed,  by  signs,  the  desire  that  they 
had  to  present  us  with  some  rare  things,  yet,  nevertheless,  for 
many  just  and  reasonable  occasions,  I  would  not  stay  on  shore 
all  night,  but,  excusing  myself  for  all  their  offers,  I  embarked 
myself  again,  and  returned  toward  my  ships.  Howbeit,  before 
my  departure,  I  named  this  river,  the  River  of  Dolphins,  because 
that,  at  mine  arrival,  I  saw  there  a  great  number  of  dolphins, 
which  were  playing  in  the  mouth  thereof.  The  next  day,  the 
23d  of  this  month  (because  that,  toward  the  south,  I  had  not 
found  any  commodious  place  for  us  to  inhabit  and  to  build  a 


224  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

564  fort),  I  gave  commandment  to  weigh  anchor,  and  to  hoist  our 
sails  to  sail  toward  the  River  of  May,  where  we  arrived  two 
days  after,  and  cast  anchor.  Afterward,  going  on  land  with 
some  number  of  gentlemen  and  soldiers,  to  know  for  a  certainty 
the  singularities  of  this  place,  we  espied  the  paracoussy  of  the 
country,  which  came  toward  us  (this  was  the  very  same  that  we 
saw  in  the  voyage  of  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT),  which,  having 
espied  us,  cried,  very  far  off,  ^ntipola  !  Antipola!  and,  being  so 
joyful  that  he  could  not  contain  himself,  he  came  to  meet  us, 
accompaned  with  two  of  his  sons,  as  fair  and  mighty  persons  as 
might  be  found  in  all  the  world,  which  had  nothing  in  their 
mouths  but  this  word — amy,  amy ;  that  is  to  say,  friend,  friend; 
yea,  and  knowing  those  which  were  there  in  the  first  voyage, 
they  went  principally  to  them  to  use  this  speech  unto  them. 
There  was  in  their  train  a  great  number  of  men  and  women, 
which  still  made  very  much  of  us,  and,  by  evident  signs,  made 
us  understand  how  glad  they  were  of  our  arrival. 

This  good  entertainment  past,  the  paracoussy  prayed  me  to  go 
see  the  pillar  which  we  had  erected  in  the  voyage  of  JOHN  RIBAULT 
(as  we  have  declared  heretofore},  as  a  thing  which  they  made  great 
account  of.  Having  yielded  unto  him,  and  being  come  to  the  place 
where  it  was  set  up,  we  found  the  same  crowned  with  crowns  of  bay, 
and,  at  the  foot  thereof,  many  little  baskets  full  of  mill,  which  they 
call,  in  their  language,  tapaga  tapola.  Then,  when  they  came 
thither,  they  kissed  the  same  with  great  reverence,  and  besought  us 
to  do  the  like,  which  we  would  not  deny  them,  to  the  end  we  might 
draw  them  to  be  more  in  friendship  with  us.  This  done,  the  para 
coussy  took  me  by  the  hand,  as  if  he  had  desire  to  make  me 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


22$ 


understand  some  great  secret,  and,  by  signs,  showed  me  very 
well  up  within  the  river  the  limits  of  his  dominion,  and  said 
that  he  was  called  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA,  which  is  as  much  as 
King  SATOURIOUA.  His  children  have  the  self  same  title  of 
paracoussy  ;  the  eldest  is  named  ATHORE  —  a  man,  I  dare  say, 
perfect  in  beauty,  wisdom,  and  honest  sobriety,  showing,  by  his 
modest  gravity,  that  he  deserveth  the  name  which  he  beareth  ; 
besides  that,  he  is  gentle  and  tractable.  After  we  had  sojourned 
a  certain  space  with  them,  the  paracoussy  prayed  one  of  his  sons 
to  present  unto  me  a  wedge  of  silver,  which  he  did,  and  that 
with  a  good  will,  in  recompense,  whereof,  I  gave  him  a  cutting- 
hook,  and  some  other  better  present,  wherewith  he  seemed  to 
be  very  well  pleased. 


29 


226 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     VI. 


564. 


FTERWARD,  we  took  our  leave  of 
them,  because  the  night  approached,  and 
I  then  returned  to  lodge  in  our  ships. 
Being  allured  with  this  good  entertain 
ment,  I  failed  not,  the  next  day,  to  em 
bark  myself  again  with  my  lieutenant,  OTTIGNI,  and  a  number 
of  soldiers,  to  return  toward  the  paracoussy  of  the  River  of  May, 
which,  of  purpose,  waited  for  us  in  the  same  place,  where,  the 
day  before,  we  conferred  with  him.  We  found  him  under  the 
shadow  of  an  arbor,  accompanied  with  four-score  Indians,  at  the 
least,  and  appareled,  at  that  time,  after  the  Indian  fashion,  to 
wit:  with  a  great  hart's  skin,  dressed  like  chamois,  and  painted 
with  devices  of  strange  and  divers  colors,  but  of  so  lively  a 
portraiture,  and  representing  antiquity,  with  rules  so  justly  com 
passed,  that  there  is  no  painter  so  exquisite  that  could  find  fault 
therewith;  the  natural  disposition  of  this  strange  people  is  so 
perfect  and  so  well  guided,  that,  without  any  aid  and  favor  of 
arts,  they  are  able,  by  the  help  of  nature  only,  to  content  the 
eye  of  artisans,  yea,  even  of  those  which,  by  their  industry,  are 
able  to  aspire  unto  things  most  absolute. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


227 


Then  I  advertised  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA,  that  my  desire 
was  to  discover  further  up  into  the  river,  but  that  this  should 
be  with  such  diligence,  that  I  would  come  again  unto  him  very 
speedily;  wherewith  he  was  content,  promising  to  stay  for  me 
in  the  place  where  he  was,  and,  for  an  earnest  of  his  promise, 
he  offered  me  his  goodly  skin,  which  I  refused  then,  and 
promised  to  receive  it  of  him  at  my  return.  For  my  part,  I 
gave  him  certain  small  trifles,  to  the  intent  to  retain  him  in  our 
friendship. 

Departing  from  thence,  I  had  not  sailed  three  leagues  up  the 
river,   still  being  followed   by   the   Indians,   which    coasted   me 
along  the  river,   crying,  still,  amy !  amy !  that   is  to  say,  friend, 
friend ;  but  I   discovered  an  hill  of  mean  height,  near  which  I 
went  on  land,  hard  by  the  fields  that  were  sowed  with  mill,  at 
one  corner  whereof  there  was  an  house  built  for  their  lodging, 
which  keep  and  guard  the  mill;  for  there  are  such  numbers  of 
Cornish  chough es  in  this  country,  which  continually  devour  and 
spoil   the   mill,  that   the   Indians   are   constrained   to   keep  and 
watch  it,  otherwise  they  should    be  deceived  of  their  harvest. 
I  rested  myself  in  this  place  for  certain  hours,  and  commanded 
Monsieur   DE    OTTIGNI,   and   my   serjeant,   to    enter    into   the 
woods  to  search  out  the  dwellings  of  the  Indians ;   whereafter 
they  had  gone  awhile,  they  came  unto  a  marsh  of  reeds,  where, 
finding  their  way  to  be  stopped,  they  rested  under  the  shadow 
of  a  mighty  bay  tree  to  refresh  themselves  a  little,  and  to  resolve 
which  way  to  take.     Then  they  discovered,  as  it  were,  on  the 
sudden,  five  Indians,  half  hidden  in  the  woods,  which  seemed 
somewhat  to  distrust  our  men,  until  they  said  unto  them,  in  the 


228  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  Indian  language,  Antipola  Bonassou,  to  the  end  that,  understand 
ing  their  speech,  they  might  come  unto  us  more  boldly,  which 
they  did  incontinently.  But,  because  they  saw  that  the  four 
that  went  last  bear  up  the  train  of  the  skin  wherewith  he  that 
went  foremost  was  appareled,  our  men  imagined  that  the  fore 
most  must  needs  be  some  man  of  greater  quality  than  the  rest, 
seeing  that,  withal,  they  called,  paracoussy,  paracoussy ;  wherefore 
some  of  our  company  went  towards  him,  and,  using  him  courte 
ously,  showed  him  M.  DE  OTTIGNI,  their  lieutenant,  for  whom 
they  had  made  an  arbor,  with  bay  and  palm-boughs,  after  the 
Indian  fashion,  to  the  end  that,  by  such  signs,  the  savages  might 
think  the  Frenchmen  had  companied  with  such  as  they  at  other 
times. 

The  Indian  paracoussy  drew  near  to  the  French,  and  began 
to  make  him  a  long  oration,  which  tended  to  no  other  end,  but 
that  he  besought  the  Frenchmen,  very  earnestly,  to  come  and 
see  his  dwelling  and  his  parents,  which  they  granted  him,  and 
straight,  for  pledge  of  better  amity,  he  gave  unto  my  lieutenant, 
OTTIGNI,  the  very  skin  that  he  was  clad  with.  Then  he  took 
him  by  the  hand,  leading  him  right  toward  the  marshes,  over 
which  the  paracoussy ,  M.  DE  OTTIGNI,  and  certain  other  of  our 
men,  were  borne  upon  the  Indians'  shoulders ;  and  the  rest, 
which  could  not  pass  because  of  the  mire  and  reeds,  went 
through  the  woods,  and  followed  a  narrow  path  which  led  them 
forth  until  they  came  unto  the;  paracoussy' 's  dwelling,  out  of 
which  there  came  about  fifty  Indians,  to  receive  our  men  gal 
lantly,  and  to  feast  them  after  their  manner.  After  which, 
they  brought  at  their  entrance  a  great  vessel  of  earth,  made  after 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

a  strange  fashion,  full  of  fountain  water,  clear,  and  very  excel- 
lent.  This  vessel  was  borne  by  an  Indian,  and  there  was 
another  younger,  which  bear  of  this  water  in  another  little 
vessel  of  wood,  and  presented,  thereof,  to  every  one  to  drink, 
observing,  in  doing  the  same,  a  certain  order  and  reverence, 
which  he  made  to  each  of  them  to  whom  he  gave  drink.  Our 
thirst  well  quenched  by  this  means,  and  our  men  being  suf 
ficiently  refreshed,  the  paracoussy  brought  them  to  his  father's 
lodging,  one  of  the  oldest  men  that  lived  upon  the  earth.  Our 
men,  regarding  his  age,  began  to  make  much  of  him,  using  this 
speech,  amy,  amy,  that  is  to  say,  friend,  friend;  whereat  the  old 
sire  showed  himself  very  glad.  Afterward,  they  questioned 
with  him  concerning  the  course  of  his  age:  whereunto  he  made 
answer,  showing  that  he  was  the  first  living  original,  from 
whence  five  generations  were  descended,  as  he  showed  unto 
them  by  another  old  man  that  sat  directly  over  against  him, 
which  far  exceeded  him  in  age;  and  this  man  was  his  father, 
which  seemed  to  be  rather  a  dead  carcass  than  a  living  body  ; 
for  his  sinews,  his  veins,  his  arteries,  his  bones,  and  other  parts, 
appeared  so  clearly  through  his  skin,  that  a  man  might  easily 
tell  them,  and  discern  them,  one  from  another.  Also,  his  age 
was  so  great,  that  the  good  man  had  lost  his  sight,  and  could 
only  speak  one  word,  but  with  exceeding  great  pain.  M. 
DE  OTTIGNI  having  seen  so  strange  a  thing,  turned  to  the 
younger  of  these  two  old  men,  praying  him  to  vouchsafe  to 
answer  him  to  that  which  he  demanded  touching  his  age.  Then 
the  old  man  called  a  company  of  Indians,  and,  striking  twice 
upon  his  thigh,  and  laying  his  hand  upon  two  of  them,  he 


230 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  showed  him,  by  signs,  that  these  two  were  his  sons;  again 
smiting  upon  their  thighs,  he  showed  him  others,  not  so  old, 
which  were  the  children  of  the  first  two;  which  he  continued  in 
the  same  manner,  until  the  fifth  generation.  But,  though  this 
old  man  had  his  father  alive,  more  old  than  himself,  and  that 
both  of  them  did  wear  their  hair  very  long,  and  as  white  as  pos 
sible,  yet  it  was  told  them,  that  they  might  yet  live  thirty  or 
forty  years  more,  by  the  course  of  nature,  although  the  younger 
of  them  both  was  not  less  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  old ! 
After  he  had  ended  his  communication,  he  commanded  two 
young  eagles  to  be  given  to  our  men,  which  he  had  bred  up  for 
his  pleasure  in  his  house.  He  caused,  also,  little  panniers,  made 
of  palm-leaves,  full  of  gourds,  red  and  blue,  to  be  delivered  unto 
them.  For  recompense  of  which  presents,  he  was  satisfied  with 
French  toys.  Their  two  old  men  caused  our  men  to  be  guided 
back  again  to  the  place  from  whence  they  came,  by  the  young 
paracoussy,  which  had  brought  them  thither ;  and,  having  taken 
leave  of  the  paracoussy,  they  came  and  sought  me  out  in  the 
place  where  I  staid,  and  rehearsed  unto  me  all  that  they  had 
seen,  praying  me,  also,  that  I  would  reward  their  guide,  which 
so  frankly  and  heartily  had  received  them  into  his  house,  which 
I  would  not  fail  to  do  by  any  means. 

Now  was  I  determined  to  search  out  the  qualities  of  the  hill, 
wherefore  I  went  right  to  the  top  thereof,  where  we  found 
nothing  else  but  cedar,  palm,  and  bay  trees,  of  so  sovereign 
odor,  that  balm  smelleth  nothing  like  in  comparison.  The  trees 
were  environed  round  about  with  vines,  bearing  grapes  in  such 
quantity,  that  the  number  would  suffice  to  make  the  place 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


23! 


habitable.  Beside  this  fertility  of  the  soil  for  vines,  a  man 
may  see  esquine  wreathed  about  the  shrubs  in  great  quantity. 
Touching  the  pleasure  of  the  place,  the  sea  may  be  seen  plain 
and  open  from  it  ;  and  more  than  six  great  leagues  off,  near  the 
River  Belle,  a  man  may  behold  the  meadows  divided  asunder  into 
isles  and  islets,  interlacing  one  another;  briefly,  the  place  is  so 
pleasant,  that  those  which  are  melancholic  would  be  enforced  to 
change  their  humor. 

After  I  had  staid  there  awhile,  I  embarked  again  my  people  to 
sail  towards  the  mouth  of  the  river,  where  we  found  the  para- 
coussy,  which,  according  to  his  promise,  waited  for  us.  Where 
fore,  to  content  him,  we  went  on  shore,  and  did  him  that 
reverence  that  on  our  parting  was  requisite.  Then  he  gave 
me  the  skin  so  richly  painted,  and  I  recompensed  him,  with 
somewhat  of  our  merchandise.  I  forgot  not  to  demand  of 
him  the  place  whence  the  wedge  of  silver  came,  which  he 
had  given  me  before;  whereunto  he  made  me  a  very  sudden 
answer,  which,  notwithstanding,  I  understood  not,  which  he 
well  perceived.  And  then  he  showed  me,  by  evident  signs, 
that  all  of  it  came  from  a  place  more  within  the  river  by  certain 
day's  journey  from  this  place,  and  declared  unto  us,  that  all  that 
which  they  had  thereof,  they  got  it  by  force  of  arms,  of  the 
inhabitants  of  this  place,  named  by  them  Thimogoa,  their  most 
ancient  and  natural  enemies,  as  he  largely  declared.  Where 
upon,  when  I  saw  with  what  affection  he  spake,  when  he  pro 
nounced  Thimogoa,  I  understood  what  he  would  say.  And,  to 
bring  myself  more  into  his  favor,  I  promised  him  to  accompany 
him  with  all  my  force,  if  he  would  fight  against  them;  which 


232  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  thing  pleased  him  in  such  sort,  that,  from  thenceforth,  he 
promised  himself  the  victory  of  them,  and  assured  me  that  he 
would  make  a  voyage  thither,  within  a  short  space,  would  cause 
store  of  mill  to  be  prepared,  and  would  command  his  men  to 
make  ready  their  bows,  and  furnish  themselves  with  such  store 
of  arrows,  that  nothing  should  be  wanting  to  give  battle  to 
Thimogoa.  In  fine,  he  prayed  me,  very  earnestly,  not  to  fail  of 
my  purpose  ;  and,  in  so  doing,  he  hoped  to  procure  me  gold  and 
silver  in  such  good  quantity,  that  mine  affairs  should  take  effect 
according  to  mine  own  and  his  desire. 

The  matter  thus  fully  resolved  upon,  I  took  my  leave  of  him 
to  return  unto  my  ships,  where,  after  we  had  rested  ourselves 
all  the  night  following,  we  hoisted  sail  the  next  day,  very  early 
in  the  morning,  and  sailed  toward  the  River  of  Seine,  .distant 
from  the  River  of  May  about  four  leagues ;  and  there,  con 
tinuing  our  course  toward  the  north,  we  arrived  at  the  mouth  of 
Somme,  which  is  not  past  six  leagues  distant  from  the  River  of 
Seine,  where  we  cast  anchor,  and  went  on  shore  to  discover  that 
place  as  we  had  done  the  rest.  There  we  were  graciously  and 
courteously  received  of  the  paracoussy  of  the  country,  which  is 
one  of  the  tallest  men,  and  best  proportioned  that  may  be  found. 
His  wife  sat  by  him,  which,  besides  her  Indian  beauty,  where 
with  she  was  greatly  endowed,  had  so  virtuous  a  countenance 
and  modest  gravity,  that  there  was  not  one  amongst  us  but  did 
greatly  commend  her;  she  had  in  her  train  five  of  her  daughters, 
of  so  good  grace  and  so  well  brought  up,  that  I  easily  persuaded 
myself  that  their  mother  was  their  mistress,  and  had  taught 
them  well  and  straightly  to  preserve  their  honesty.  After  that 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA 


233 


the  paracoussy  had  received  us,  as  I  have  said,  he  commanded  his  1564. 
wife  to  present  me  with  a  certain  number  of  bullets  of  silver ; 
for  his  own  part,  he  presented  me  with  his  bow  and  arrows,  as 
he  had  done  unto  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT,  in  our  first  voyage, 
which  is  a  sign  of  perpetual  amity  and  alliance  with  those  which 
they  honor  with  such  a  kind  of  present. 


234 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     VII. 


1564.        [PPICTByy^PPPP^l  N   our   discoursing  with    one   another,   we 

entered  into  speech  as  touching  the  ex 
ercise  of  arms.  Then  the  paracoussy 
caused  a  corselet  to  be  set  on  end,  and 
prayed  me  to  make  a  proof  of  our  har 
quebuses  and  their  bows;  but  this  proof 

pleased  him  very  little;  so,  as  soon  as  he  knew  that  our  harque 
buses  did  easily  pierce  that  which  all  the  force  of  their  bows 
could  not  hurt,  he  seemed  to  be  sorry,  musing  with  himself  how 
this  thing  might  be  done.  Nevertheless,  going  about  to  dis 
semble  in  his  mind  that  which  his  countenance  could  not  do  by 
any  means,  he  began  to  fall  into  another  matter,  and  prayed 
us,  very  earnestly,  to  stay  with  him  that  night  in  his  house,  or 
lodging,  affirming  that  no  greater  happiness  could  come  unto 
him  than  our  long  abode,  which  he  desired  to  recompense  with 
a  thousand  presents. 

Nevertheless,  we  could  not  grant  him  this  point,  but  took  our 
leave  of  him  to  return  to  our  ships,  where,  soon  after,  I  caused 
all  my  company  to  be  assembled,  with  the  masters  and  pilots  of 
my  ships,  to  consult  together  of  the  place  whereof  we  should 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


235 


make  choice  to  plant  our  habitation.  First,  I  let  them  under- 
stand  how  none  of  them  were  ignorant,  that  the  part  which 
was  toward  the  Cape  of  Florida,  was  altogether  a  marsh  country, 
and,  therefore,  unprofitable  for  our  inhabitation:  a  thing  which 
could  neither  yield  profit  to  the  King,  nor  any  contentment  or 
pleasure  to  us,  if,  peradventure,  we  would  inhabit  there.  On 
the  other  side,  if  we  passed  further  toward  the  north  to  seek  out 
Port  Royal,  it  would  neither  be  very  profitable  nor  convenient; 
at  the  least,  if  we  should  give  credit  to  the  report  of  them 
which  remained  there  a  long  time,  although  the  haven  were 
one  of  the  fairest  of  the  West  Indies;  but  that,  in  this  case, 
the  question  was  not  so  much  of  the  beauty  of  the  place, 
as  of  things  necessary  to  sustain  life.  And  that  for  our  inhab 
iting,  it  was  much  more  needful  for  us  to  plant  in  places 
plentiful  of  victuals,  than  in  goodly  havens,  fair  and  deep,  and 
pleasant  to  the  view. 

In  consideration,  whereof,  that  I  was  of  opinion,  if  it  seemed 
good  unto  them,  to  seat  ourselves  about  the  River  of  May, 
seeing,  also,  that,  in  our  first  voyage,  we  found  the  same  only 
among  all  the  rest  to  abound  in  maize  and  corn,  besides  the 
gold  and  silver  that  was  found  there:  a  thing  that  put  me  in 
hope  of  some  happy  discovery  in  time  to  come.  After  I  had 
proposed  these  things,  every  one  gave  his  opinion  thereof;  and, 
in  fine,  all  resolved,  namely,  those  which  had  been  with  me  in 
the  first  voyage,  that  it  was  expedient  to  seat  themselves  rather 
on  the  River  of  May,  than  on  any  other,  until  they  might  hear 
news  out  of  France.  This  point  being  thus  agreed  upon,  we 
sailed  toward  the  river,  and  used  such  diligence  that,  with  the 


236 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.      favor  of  the  winds,  we  arrived  there  the  morrow  after,  about  the 
break  of  day,  which  was  on  Thursday,  2gth  of  June. 

Having  cast  anchor,  I  embarked  all  my  stuff,  and  the  soldiers 
of  my  company,  to  sail  right  toward  the  opening  of  this  river, 
wherein  we  entered  a  good  way  up,  and  found  a  creek,  of  a 
reasonable  bigness,  which  invited  us  to  refresh  ourselves  a  little, 
while  we  reposed  ourselves  there.  Afterward,  we  went  on 
shore,  to  seek  out  a  place,  plain,  without  trees,  which  we  per 
ceived  from  the  creek.  But,  because  we  found  it  not  very 
commodious  for  us  to  inhabit  there,  we  determined  to  return 
unto  the  place  which  we  had  discovered  before  when  we  had 
sailed  up  the  river. 

This  place  is  joining  to  a  mountain,  and  it  seemed  unto  us 
more  fit  and  commodious  to  build  a  fortress  than  that  where  we 
were  last.  Therefore,  we  took  our  way  towards  the  forests, 
being  guided  therein  by  the  young  paracoussy  which  had  led  us 
before  to  his  father's  lodging.  Afterward,  we  found  a  large 
plain,  covered  with  high  pine  trees,  distant  a  little  from  the 
other,  under  which  we  perceived  an  infinite  number  of  stags, 
which  brayed  against  the  plain,  athwart  the  which  we  passed; 
then  we  discovered  a  little  hill  adjoining  unto  a  great  vale,  very 
green,  and,  in  form,  flat  j  wherein  were  the  fairest  meadows  of 
the  world,  and  grass  to  feed  cattle.  Moreover,  it  is  environed 
with  a  great  number  of  brooks  of  fresh  water,  and  high  woods, 
which  make  the  vale  more  delectable  to  the  eye.  After  I  had 
taken  the  view,  thereof,  at  mine  ease,  I  named  it,  at  the  request 
of  our  soldiers,  the  Vale  of  Laudonnure.  Thus,  we  went  for 
ward:  anon,  having  gone  a  little  forward,  we  met  an  Indian 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


237 


woman,  of  tall  stature,  which  also  was  an  hermaphrodite,  who 
came  before  us  with  a  great  vessel,  full  of  clear  fountain 
water,  wherewith  she  greatly  refreshed  us  :  for  we  were  exceed 
ing  faint  by  reason  of  the  ardent  heat,  which  molested  us  as  we 
passed  through  those  high  woods.  And,  I  believe,  that  without 
the  succor  of  that  Indian  hermaphrodite,  or  rather,  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  great  desire  which  we  had  to  make  us  resolute  of 
ourselves,  we  had  taken  up  our  lodging  in  the  woods.  Being, 
therefore,  refreshed  by  this  means,  we  gathered  our  spirits 
together,  and,  marching  with  a  cheerful  courage,  we  came  to 
the  place  which  we  had  chosen  to  make  our  habitation  in  : 
whereupon,  at  that  instant,  near  the  river's  brink,  we  strewed  a 
number  of  boughs  and  leaves,  to  take  our  rest  on  them  the  night 
following,  which  we  found  exceeding  sweet,  because  of  the  pain 
which  before  we  had  taken  in  our  travel. 

On  the  morrow,  about  break  of  day,  I  commanded  a  trumpet 
to  be  sounded,  that,  being  assembled,  we  might  give  GOD  thanks 
for  our  favorable  and  happy  arrival.  Then  we  sang  a  psalm  of 
thanksgiving  unto  GOD,  beseeching  him  that  it  would  please  him 
of  his  grace  to  continue  his  accustomed  goodness  toward  us,  his 
poor  servants,  and  aid  us  in  all  our  enterprises,  that  all  might 
turn  to  his  glory  and  the  advancement  of  our  King.  The  prayer 
ended,  every  man  began  to  take  courage. 

Afterward,  having  measured  out  a  piece  of  ground,  in  the 
form  of  a  triangle,  we  endeavored  ourselves  of  all  sides  —  some 
to  bring  earth,  some  to  cut  faggots,  and  others  to  raise  and  make 
the  rampart  ;  for  there  was  not  a  man  that  had  not  either  a 
shovel,  or  cutting-hook,  or  hatchet,  as  well  to  make  the  ground 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  plain  by  cutting  down  the  trees,  as  for  the  building  of  the  fort, 
which  we  did  hasten,  in  such  cheerfulness,  that,  within  a  few 
days,  the  effect  of  our  diligence  was  apparent ;  in  which  mean 
space  the  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA,  our  nearest  neighbor,  and  on 
whose  ground  we  built  our  fort,  came,  usually  accompanied 
with  his  two  sons,  and  a  great  number  of  Indians,  to  offer  to  do 
us  all  courtesy.  And  I,  likewise,  for  my  part,  bestowed  divers 
of  our  trifles  frankly  on  him,  to  the  end  he  might  know  the 
good  will  we  bare  him,  and  thereby  make  him  more  desirous  of 
our  friendship,  in  such  sort,  that,  as  the  days  increased,  so  our 
amity  and  friendship  increased  also. 

After  that  our  fort  was  brought  into  form,  I  began  to  build 
a  grange,  to  retire  my  munitions  and  things  necessary  for  the 
defence  of  our  fort,  praying  the  paracoussy  to  command  his  sub 
jects  to  make  us  a  covering  of  palm-leaves,  and  this  to  the 
end  that  when  that  was  done,  I  might  unfreight  my  ships,  and 
put  under  coverture  those  things  that  were  in  them.  Suddenly, 
the  paracoussy  commanded,  in  my  presence,  all  the  Indians  of 
his  company  to  dress,  the  next  day  morning,  so  good  a  number 
of  palm-leaves,  that  the  grange  was  covered  in  less  than  two 
days.  So  that  business  was  finished  ;  for,  in  the  space  of  those 
two  days,  the  Indians  never  ceased  from  working — some  in 
fetching  palm-leaves,  others  in  interlacing  them,  in  such  sort, 
that  their  king's  commandment  was  executed  as  he  desired. 

Our  fort  was  built  in  the  form  of  a  triangle:  the  side  toward  the 
west,  which  was  toward  the  land,  was  inclosed  with  a  little  trench, 
and  raised  with  turns  made  in  form  of  a  battlement,  of  nine  feet 
high ;  the  other  side,  which  was  toward  the  river,  was  inclosed  with 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  239 

a  palisade  of  planks  of  timber,  after  the  manner  that  gabions  are       1564- 

made.      On  the  south  side,  there  was  a  kind  of  bastion,  within  which 

I  caused  an  house  for  the  munition  to  be  built;  it  was  all  builded 

with  faggots  and  sand,  saving  about  two  or  three  feet  high,  with 

turf,  whereof  the  battlements  were  made.      In  the  midst,  I  caused  a 

great  court  to  be  made,  of  eighteen  paces  long  and  broad,  in  the  midst 

whereof,  on  the  one  side  drawing  toward  the  south,  I  builded  a  corps 

de  gard,  and  an  house  on  the  other  side,  toward  the  north,  which   I 

caused  to  be  raised  somewhat  too   high,  for,  within  a  short   while 

after,  the  wind  beat  it  doivn ;  and  experience  taught   me  that  we 

may  not  build  with   high  stages  in  this   country,  by  reason  of  the 

winds  whereunto  it  is  subject.     One  of  the  sides  that  enclosed 

my  court,  which  I  made  very  fair  and  large,  reached  unto  the 

range  of  my  munitions,  and,  on  the  other  side,  towards  the  river, 

was   mine  own   lodging,  round  about  which   were  galleries,  all 

covered.     One  principal  door  of  my  lodging  was  in  the  midst  of 

the  great  place,  and  the  other  was  toward  the  river.      A  good 

distance   from   the   fort,   I   built  an   oven,   to   avoid   the   danger 

against  fire,  because  the   houses  are  of  palm-leaves,  which   will 

soon  be  burnt  after  the  fire  catcheth  hold  of  them,  so  that,  with 

much  ado,  a  man  shall  have  leisure  to  quench  them.     Lo,  here, 

in  brief,  the  description  of  our  fortress,  which  I  named  Caroline, 

in  honor  of  our  prince,  King  CHARLES. 


240 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     VIII. 


1564. 


F  T  E  R  we  were  furnished  with  that 
which  was  most  necessary,  I  would  not 
lose  a  minute  of  an  hour  without  em 
ploying  of  the  same  in  some  virtuous 
exercise :  therefore,  I  charged  Monsieur 
DE  OTTIGNI,  my  lieutenant,  a  man  in 

truth,  worthy  of  all  honor  for  his  honesty  and  virtue,  to  search 
up  within  the  river,  what  this  Thimogoa  might  be,  whereof  the 
Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA  had  spoken  to  us  so  often  at  our 
coming  on  shore.  For  execution  hereof,  the  paracoussy  gave 
him  two  Indians  for  his  guides,  which,  taking  upon  them  to 
lead  him  in  this  voyage,  seemed  to  go  unto  a  wedding,  so 
desirous  they  were  to  fight  with  their  enemies. 

Being  embarked,  they  hoisted  sail,  and,  having  sailed  about 
twenty  leagues,  the  Indians,  which  still  looked  on  this  side  and 
that  side  to  espy  some  of  their  enemies,  discovered  three  canoes, 
and  immediately  they  began  to  cry,  Thimogoa!  Thimogoa!  and 
spake  nothing  else,  but  to  hasten  forward  to  fight  with  them, 
which  the  captain  seemed  to  be  willing  to  do,  to  content  them. 
When  they  came  to  board  them,  one  of  the  Indians  got  hold  of 


L  0  U IS  I  AN  A  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  24 1 

an  halbert,  another  of  a  cutlass,  in  such  a  rage,  that  he  would 
have  leaped  into  the  water  to  have  fought  with  them  alone. 
Nevertheless,  OTTIGNI  would  not  let  them  do  it;  for  while  he 
deferred  to  board  them,  he  gave  the  others  respite  to  turn  the 
prows  of  their  canoes  toward  the  shore,  and  so  to  escape  into 
the  woods.  Again,  the  meaning  of  OTTIGNI  was  not  to  make 
war  upon  them  of  Thimogoa,  but  rather  to  make  them  friends, 
and  to  make  them,  thenceforth,  to  live  in  peace,  one  with 
another,  if  it  were  possible,  hoping,  by  this  means,  to  discover, 
daily,  some  new  thing,  and,  especially,  the  certain  course  of  the 
river.  For  this  purpose,  he  caused  the  bark  to  retire,  wherein 
were  the  two  Indians  (his  guides),  and  went  with  his  men  toward 
the  canoes,  which  were  on  the  river's  side.  Being  come  unto 
them,  he  put  certain  trifles  into  them,  and  then  retired  a  good 
way  from  them,  which  thing  caused  the  Indians  which  were 
fled  away,  to  return  to  their  boats,  and  to  understand,  by  this 
sign,  that  those  of  our  bark  were  none  of  their  enemies,  but 
rather  come  only  to  traffic  with  them.  Wherefore,  being  thus 
assured  of  us,  they  called  to  our  men  to  come  near  unto  them ; 
which  they  did  incontinently,  and  set  foot  on  land,  and  spake 
freely  unto  them,  with  divers  ceremonies  over  long  to  recount. 
In  the  end,  OTTIGNI  demanded  of  them,  by  signs,  if  they  had 
any  gold  or  silver  among  them ;  but  they  told  him  they  had 
none,  as  then;  and  that,  if  he  would  send  one  of  his  men  with 
them,  they  would  bring  him,  without  danger,  into  a  place  where 
they  might  have  some.  OTTIGNI  seeing  them  so  willing, 
delivered  them  one  of  his  men,  which  seemed  very  resolute,  to 
undertake  this  voyage:  this  fellow  staid  with  them  until  ten  of 

31 


24.2  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  the  clock  next  morning,  so  that  Captain  OTTIGNI,  somewhat 
offended  with  his  long  stay,  sailed  ten  great  leagues  further  up 
the  river,  although  he  knew  not  which  way  he  should  go,  yet 
he  went  so  far  up,  that  he  espied  the  boat  wherein  his  soldier 
was :  which  reported  unto  him,  that  the  Indians  would  have 
carried  him  three  great  days'  journey  further,  and  told  him  that 
a  king,  named  MAYARA,  rich  in  gold  and  silver,  dwelt  in  those 
quarters,  and  that,  for  small  quantity  of  merchandise,  enough 
might  be  had  of  him,  yet  that  he  would  not  hazard  himself 
without  his  leave;  and  that  he  brought  him  a  very  little  gold. 
This  being  done,  our  men  returned  toward  our  fort  (Fort  Car 
oline),  after  they  had  left  the  soldier  with  the  Indians,  to 
inform  himself  more  and  more  of  such  things  as  he  might 
discover  more  at  leisure. 

Fifteen  days  after  this  voyage  to  Tkimogoa,  I  dispatched  Cap 
tain  VASSEUR,  and  my  serjeant  also,  to  return  again  into  this 
country,  and  to  seek  out  the  soldier  which  remained  there  in 
the  former  voyage.  Being,  therefore,  embarked,  they  sailed 
two  whole  days,  and,  before  they  came  to  the  dwelling  of  the 
Indians,  they  found  two  of  them  on  the  river's  side,  which  were 
expressly  sent  unto  that  place  to  descry  whether  any  of  their 
enemies  were  come  to  that  part,  with  intention  to  surprise  them, 
as  they  did  usually.  When  they  perceived  Captain  VASSEUR, 
they  knew,  incontinently,  that  he  was  none  of  their  enemies, 
and,  therefore,  made  no  difficulty  to  come  near  unto  the  bark, 
and  showed  him,  by  signs,  that  the  soldier,  which  they  sought, 
was  not  in  that  place,  but  was  at  that  present  time  in  the  house 
of  King  MOLLOUA,  which  was  vassal  unto  another  great  king, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


243 


named  by  them,  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA,  and,  if  the  Captain 
would  sail  thitherward,  he  should  come  thither  very  quickly, 
wherewith  he  was  content,  and  caused  his  men  to  row  to  that 
part  which  the  Indians  showed  him :  whereat  they  were  so  glad 
that  they  came  quickly  before,  by  land,  to  declare  his  arrival, 
which  was  at  the  lodging  of  King  MOLLOUA,  after  he  had  rowed 
not  past  half  a  league.  While  King  MOLLOUA  had  ended  enter 
taining  Captain  VASSEUR  and  his  men,  the  soldier  came  in  with 
five  or  six  pounds  weight  of  silver,  which  he  had  trucked  and 
trafficked  with  the  Indians.  This  king  caused  bread  to  be 
made,  and  fish  to  be  dressed,  after  the  Indian  fashion,  to  feast 
our  men;  to  whom,  while  they  were  at  meat,  he  made  a  dis 
course  of  divers  other  kings,  his  friends,  and  allies,  reckoning 
up  to  the  number  of  nine  of  them,  by  name,  to  wit:  CADECHA, 
CHILILI,  ECLAUOU,  ENACAPPE,  CALANY,  ANACHARAQUA,  OMI- 
TIAQUA,  ACQUERA,  MoQiioso,  all  which,  with  him,  to  the 
number  of  more  than  forty,  he  assured  us,  to  be  the  vassals 
of  the  most  renowned  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA. 

This  done,  we  went  about,  likewise,  to  discover  the  enemies 
of  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA,  in  which  number  he  placed,  as  the 
first,  the  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA,  monarch  of  the  confines  of 
the  River  of  May,  which  hath,  under  his  obeisance,  thirty  other 
paracoussies,  whereof  there  were  ten,  which  were  all  his  breth 
ren,  and  that,  therefore,  he  was  greatly  esteemed  in  those  parts ; 
then  he  named  three  others,  no  less  puissant  than  SATOURIOUA, 
whereof  the  first  dwelt  two  days'  journey  from  his  lord,  OLATA 
OUAE  UTINA,  and  ordinarily  made  war  upon  him,  whose  name 
was  POTANOU,  a  man  cruel  in  war,  and  pitiful  in  the  execution 


244  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  of  his  fury.  P'or  he  took  the  prisoners  to  mercy,  being  content 
to  mark  them  on  the  left  arm,  with  a  great  mark  like  unto  a 
seal,  and  so  imprinted  as  it  had  been  touched  with  an  hot  iron ; 
then  he  let  them  go  without  any  more  hurt.  The  two  others 
were  named  ONATHEAQUA  and  HOUSTAQUA,  being  great  lords, 
and  abounding  in  riches;  and  principally  ONATHEAQUA,  which 
dwelt  near  unto  the  high  mountains,  wherein  there  was  abun 
dance  of  many  rare  things,  and  infinite  quantity  of  a  kind  of 
flat  stone,  wherewith  they  made  wedges  to  cleave  their  wood. 
The  occasion  which,  as  he  said,  moved  POTANOU  to  wage  war 
against  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA,  was  the  fear  that  he  had,  least  he 
and  his  companions  should  get  of  that  hard  stone  in  his  country, 
wherewith  they  headed  their  arrows,  and  could  not  get  it  in  any- 
nearer  place. 

Besides  all  this,  MOLLOUA  recited  to  Captain  VASSEUR,  that 
the  king's  allies,  the  vassals  of  the  great  OLATA,  armed  their 
breasts,  arms,  thighs,  legs,  and  foreheads,  with  large  plates  of 
gold  and  silver;  and  that,  by  this  means,  the  arrows  that  were 
discharged  upon  them  could  do  them  no  manner  of  hurt  at  all, 
but  rather  were  broken  against  them.  Hereupon,  Captain 
VASSEUR  inquired  whether  the  kings  (ONATHEAQUA  and  Hous- 
TAQUA)  were  like  unto  us ;  for,  by  the  description  that  they 
made  of  them,  he  began  to  doubt  whether  they  were  Spaniards 
or  not;  but  MOLLOUA  told  him  that  they  were  not,  but  that 
they  were  Indians,  like  the  rest,  saving  that  they  painted  their 
faces  with  black,  and  that  the  rest,  as  MOLLOUA,  painted  them 
with  red.  Then  my  lieutenant  (VASSEUR),  and  my  Serjeant, 
promised  him  that,  one  day,  I  should  march  with  my  forces 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


245 


into  those  countries,  and  that,  joining  myself  with  his  lord 
(OLATA),  I  would  subdue  the  inhabitants  of  the  highest  of  those 
mountains.  He  was  very  glad  of  this  speech,  and  answered, 
that  the  least  of  these  kings  which  he  had  named  should  present 
unto  the  general  of  these  the  height  of  two  feet  of  gold  and 
silver,  which,  by  force  of  arms,  they  had  already  gotten  of  those 
two  kings  (ONATHEAQUA  and  HOUSTAQUA). 

The  good  cheer  being  done,  and  the  discourses  ended,  my 
men  embarked  themselves  again,  with  intention  to  bring  me 
those  good  news  unto  the  Fort  Caroline-,  but,  after  they  had 
sailed  a  very  long  while  down  the  river,  and  were  come  within 
three  leagues  of  us,  the  tide  was  so  strong  against  them  that 
they  were  constrained  to  go  on  land,  and  to  retire  themselves, 
because  of  the  night,  unto  the  dwelling  of  a  certain  paracoussy, 
named  MOLONA,  which  showed  himself  very  glad  of  their  arri 
val  ;  for  he  desired  to  know  some  news  of  Thimogoa,  and 
thought  that  the  Frenchmen  went  thither  for  none  other  oc 
casion,  but  for  to  invade  them.  Which  Captain  VASSEUR 
perceiving,  dissembled  so  well,  that  he  made  him  believe  that 
he  went  to  Thimogoa  with  none  other  intention  but  to  subdue 
them,  and  to  destroy  them  with  the  edge  of  the  sword,  without 
mercy  ;  but  that  their  purpose  had  not  such  success  as  they 
desired,  because  that  the  people  of  Thimogoa^  being  advertised  of 
this  enterprise,  retired  into  the  woods,  and  saved  themselves  by 
flight  ;  that,  nevertheless,  they  had  taken  some  as  they  were 
fleeing  away,  which  carried  no  news  thereof  unto  their  fellows. 

The  paracoussy  was  so  glad  of  this  relation,  that  he  interrupted 
him,  and  asked  VASSEUR  of  the  beginning  and  manner  of  his 


246  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  execution,  and  prayed  him  that  he  would  show  him,  by  signs, 
how  all  things  passed.  Immediately,  FRANCIS  LA  CAILLE,  the 
serjeant  of  my  band,  took  his  sword  in  his  hand,  saying,  that, 
with  the  point  thereof,  he  had  thrust  through  two  Indians,  which 
ran  into  the  woods ;  and  that  his  companions  had  done  no  less 
for  their  parts;  and  that,  if  fortune  had  so  favored  them  that 
they  had  not  been  discovered  by  the  men  of  Thimogoa^  they  had 
a  victory  most  glorious  and  worthy  of  eternal  memory.  Here 
upon  the  paracoussy  showed  himself  so  well  satisfied,  that  he 
could  not  devise  how  to  gratify  our  men,  which  he  caused  to 
come  into  his  house,  to  feast  them  more  honorably ;  and,  having 
made  Captain  VASSEUR  to  sit  next  him,  and  in  his  own  chair 
(which  the  Indians  esteem  for  the  chiefest  honor),  and  then, 
underneath  him,  two  of  his  sons,  goodly  and  mighty  fellows,  he 
commanded  all  the  .rest  to  place  themselves  as  they  thought 
good.  This  done,  the  Indians  came,  according  to  their  good 
custom,  to  present  their  drink  (cassine]  to  the  paracoussy,  and 
then  to  certain  of  his  chiefest  friends,  and  the  Frenchmen. 
Then,  he  which  brought  it,  set  the  cup  aside,  and  drew  out  a 
little  dagger,  stuck  up  in  the  roof  of  the  house,  and,  like  a  mad 
man,  he  lifted  his  head  aloft,  and  came  apace,  and  went  and 
smote  an  Indian  which  sat  alone  in  one  of  the  corners  of  the 
hall,  crying,  with  a  loud  voice,  Hyou!  the  poor  Indian  stirring 
not  at  all  for  the  blow,  which  he  seemed  to  endure  patiently. 

He  which  held  the  dagger,  went  quickly  to  put  the  same  in 
its  former  place,  and  began  again  to  give  his  drink  as  he  did 
before;  but  he  had  not  long  continued,  and  had  scarce  given 
three  or  four  thereof,  but  he  left  his  bowl  again,  took  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


247 


dagger  in  his  hand,  and  quickly  returned  unto  him  which  he 
had  stricken  before,  to  whom  he  gave  a  very  sore  blow  on  the 
side,  crying,  Hyou!  as  he  had  done  before,  and  then  he  went  to 
put  the  dagger  in  its  place,  and  set  himself  among  the  rest.  A 
little  while  after,  he  that  had  been  stricken,  fell  down  back 
wards,  stretching  out  his  arms  and  legs,  as  if  he  had  been  ready 
to  yield  up  the  latter  gasp.  And  then,  the  younger  son  of  the 
paracoussy,  appareled  in  a  long,  white  skin,  fell  down  at  the  feet 
of  him  that  was  fallen  backward,  weeping  bitterly  ;  half  a  quar 
ter  of  an  hour  after,  two  others  of  his  brethren,  clad  in  like 
apparel,  came  about  him  that  was  so  stricken,  and  began  to  sigh 
pitifully.  Their  mother,  bearing  a  little  infant  in  her  arms, 
came  from  another  part,  and,  going  to  the  place  where  her  sons 
were  at  the  first,  she  used  infinite  numbers  of  outcries,  then 
one,  while  lifting  up  her  eyes  to  heaven,  another,  while  falling 
down  unto  the  ground  ;  she  cried  so  dolefully,  that  her  lament 
able  mournings  would  have  moved  the  most  hard  and  stony 
heart  in  the  world  with  pity.  Yet  this  sufficed  not,  for  there 
came  in  a  company  of  young  girls,  which  did  never  leave  weep 
ing,  for  a  long  while,  in  the  place  where  the  Indian  was  fallen 
down,  whom  afterward  they  took,  and,  with  the  saddest  gestures 
they  could  devise,  carried  him  away  into  another  house,  a  little 
way  off  from  the  great  hall  of  the  paracoussy^  and  continued 
their  weepings  and  mournings  for  the  space  of  two  long  hours, 
in  which,  meanwhile,  the  Indians  ceased  not  to  drink  cassine, 
but,  with  such  silence,  that  one  word  was  not  heard  in  the  parlor. 
VASSEUR  being  grieved  that  he  understood  not  these  ceremonies, 
demanded  of  the  paracoussy  what  these  things  meant;  which 


24.8  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  answered  him  slowly,  Thimogoa,  Thimogoa,  without  saying  any 
more.  Being  more  displeased  than  he  was  before  with  so  slight 
an  answer,  he  turned  unto  another  Indian,  the  paracoussy's 
brother,  who  was  a  paracoussy  as  well  as  his  brother,  called 
MALICO,  which  made  him  a  like  answer  as  he  did  at  the  first, 
praying  him  to  ask  no  more  of  these  matters,  and  to  have 
patience  for  that  time.  The  subtle  old  paracoussy  prayed  him, 
within  awhile  after,  to  show  him  his  sword ;  which  he  would 
not  deny  him,  thinking  that  he  would  have  beheld  the  fashion 
of  his  weapons  ;  but  he  soon  perceived  that  it  was  to  another 
end  ;  for,  the  old  man,  holding  it  in  his  hand,  beheld  it  a  long 
while  on  every  place,  to  see  if  he  could  find  any  blood  upon 
it,  which  might  show  that  any  of  their  enemies  had  been 
killed ;  for  the  Indians  are  wont  to  bring  their  weapons  where 
with  their  enemies  have  been  defeated,  with  some  blood  upon 
them,  for  a  token  of  their  victories.  But,  seeing  no  sign 
thereof,  upon  it,  he  was  upon  the  point  to  say  unto  him,  that  he 
had  killed  none  of  the  men  of  Tbimogoa;  whereas  VASSEUR, 
preventing  that  which  he  might  object,  declared  and  showed 
unto  him,  by  signs,  the  manner  of  his  enterprise,  adding,  that 
by  reason  of  the  two  Indians  which  he  had  slain,  his  sword  was 
so  bloody,  that  he  was  enforced  to  wash  and  make  it  clean  a  long 
while  in  the  river ;  which  the  old  man  believed  to  be  like  to  be 
true,  and  made  no  manner  of  reply  thereto. 

VASSEUR,  LA  CAILLE,  and  their  other  compatriots,  went  out 
of  the  hall  to  go  unto  the  room  whither  they  had  carried  the 
Indian.  There  they  found  the  paracoussy  sitting  upon  tapestries 
made  of  small  reeds,  which  was  at  meat,  after  the  Indian 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  249 

fashion,  and  the  Indian  that  was  smitten,  hard  by  him,  lying  1564. 
upon  the  self-same  tapestry  ;  about  whom  stood  the  wife  of 
the  paracoussy^  with  all  the  young  damsels,  which  before  bewailed 
him  in  the  hall,  which  did  nothing  else  but  warm  a  great  deal 
of  moss,  instead  of  napkins,  to  rub  the  Indian's  side.  Here 
upon,  our  men  asked  the  paracoussy,  again,  for  what  occasion 
the  Indian  was  so  persecuted  in  his  presence :  he  answered, 
that  this  was  nothing  but  a  kind  of  ceremony,  whereby 
they  would  call  to  mind  the  death  and  persecutions  of  the 
paracoussies,  their  ancestors,  executed  by  their  enemy,  Thim- 
ogoa ;  alleging,  moreover,  that  as  soon  as  he,  himself,  or  any 
of  his  friends  and  allies  returned  from  the  country,  without 
they  brought  the  heads  of  their  enemies,  or  without  bringing 
home  some  prisoner,  be  used  for  a  perpetual  memory  of  all  his 
predecessors,  to  beat  the  best  beloved  of  all  his  children  with 
the  self-same  weapons  wherewith  they  had  been  killed  in  times 
past,  to  the  end  that,  by  renewing  of  the  wound,  their  death 
should  be  lamented  afresh.  Now,  when  they  were-  thus  in 
formed  of  those  ceremonies,  they  thanked  the  paracoussy  for  their 
good  entertainment,  which  they  had  received  ;  and  so,  setting 
sail,  they  came  to  me  unto  the  fort,  where  they  declared  all 
unto  me,  as  I  have  recited  it  heretofore.  On  the  28th  of  July, 
our  ships  departed  to  return  into  France  ;  and,  within  awhile, 
about  two  months  after  our  arrival  in  Florida,  the  Paracoussy 
SATOURIOUA  sent  certain  Indians  unto  me  to  know  whether  I 
would  stand  to  my  promise,  which  I  had  made  him  at  my  first 
arrival  in  that  country  :  which  was,  that  I  would  show  myself 

friend  to  his  friends,  and  enemy  unto  his   enemies  ;  and,  also,  to 

32 


250 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  accompany  him  with  a  good  number  of  harquebuses,  when  he 
should  see  it  expedient,  and  should  find  a  fit  occasion  to  go  to 
war.  Now,  seeing  that  he  rested  upon  his  promise,  he  prayed 
me  not  to  defer  the  same.  Seeing,  also,  that  making  that 
account  thereof,  he  had  taken  such  good  order  for  the  execution 
of  his  enterprise,  that  he  was  ready,  and  was  furnished  with  all 
things  that  were  necessary  for  the  voyage,  I  made  him  answer, 
that,  for  his  amity,  I  would  not  purchase  the  enmity  of  the 
other  ;  and  that  albeit  I  would,  yet,  notwithstanding,  I  wanted 
means  to  do  it ;  for  it  behoved  me,  at  that  present  time,  to  make 
provision  of  victuals  and  munition  for  the  defense  of  my  fort. 
On  the  other  side — that  my  barks  were  nothing  ready,  and  that 
this  enterprise  would  require  time ;  moreover,  that  the  Paracoussy 
SATOURIOUA  might  hold  himself  ready  to  depart  within  two 
months,  and  that,  then,  I  would  think  of  fulfilling  my  promise 
to  him. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


251 


CHAPTER     IX. 


H  E  Indians  carried  this  answer  to  their 
paracoussy,*  which  was  little  pleased  with 
it,  because  he  could  not  defer  his  exe 
cution  or  expedition,  as  well  because  all 
his  victuals  were  ready,  as  also  because 
ten  other  paracoussies  were  assembled  with  him  for  the  perform 
ance  of  this  enterprise.  The  ceremony  which  this  savage  used, 
before  he  embarked  his  army,  deserveth  not  to  be  forgotten  ; 
for,  when  he  was  sitting  down  by  the  river's  side,  being  com 
passed  about  with  ten  other  paracoussies^  he  commanded  water  to 
be  brought  him  speedily.  This  done,  looking  up  into  heaven, 
he  fell  to  discourse  of  divers  things,  with  gestures  that  showed 
him  to  be  in  exceeding  great  choler,  which  made  him  one  while 
shake  his  head  hither  and  thither ;  and,  by  and  by,  with,  I  wot 
not  what  fury,  to  turn  his  face  towards  the  country  of  his 
enemies,  and  to  threaten  to  kill  them.  He  oftentimes  looked 
upon  the  sun,  praying  him  to  grant  him  a  glorious  victory  of  his 
enemies ;  which,  when  he  had  done,  by  the  space  of  half  an  hour, 

*  A  generic  appellation  of  the  chiefs  from  Maryland  to  Florida. 


1564. 


252  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564-  he  sprinkled,  with  his  hand,  a  little  of  the  water,  which  he  held 
in  a  vessel,  upon  the  heads  of  the  paracoussies^  and  cast  the  rest, 
as  it  were,  in  a  rage  and  despite,  into  a  fire,  which  was  there 
prepared  for  the  purpose.  This  done,  he  cried  out,  thrice,  He 
Thimogoa  !  and  was  followed  with  five  hundred  Indians,  at  the 
least,  which  were  there  assembled,  which  cried,  all  with  one 
voice,  He  Thimogoa!  This  ceremony,  as  a  certain  Indian  told 
me,  familiarly,  signified  nothing  else  but  that  SATOURIOUA 
besought  the  Sun  to  grant  unto  him  so  happy  a  victory,  that 
he  might  shed  his  enemies'  blood,  as  he  had  shed  the  water, 
at  his  pleasure.  Moreover,  that  the  paracoussies,  which  were 
sprinkled  with  a  part  of .  that  water,  might  return  with  the 
heads  of  their  enemies,  which  is  the  only,  and  chief,  triumph 
of  their  victories. 

The  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA*  had  no  sooner  ended  his  cere 
monies,  and  had  taken  a  view  of  all  his  company,  but  he 
embarked  himself,  and  used  such  diligence  with  his  almadles^  or 
boats,  that,  the  next  day,  two  hours  before  the  sun  set,  he 
arrived  on  the  territories  of  his  enemies,  about  eight  or  ten 
leagues  from  their  villages.  Afterward,  causing  them  all  to  go 
on  land,  he  assembled  his  counsel,  wherein  it  was  agreed,  that 
five  of  the  paracoussies  should  sail  up  the  river  with  half  of  the 
troops,  and,  by  the  break  of  day,  should  approach  into  the 


*  SATOURIOUA  (SATORIVA)  was  a  powerful  chief,  claiming  the  territory  around  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Johns,  and  northward  along  the  coast  nearly  as  far  as  the  Savannah ; 
and  his  influence  extended  to  a  considerable  distance  inland.  "He  showed  himself  an 
implacable  enemy  of  the  Spaniards.  In  1567,  he  assisted  DOMINGUE  DE  GOURGUES  to 
destroy  their  settlements  on  the  St.  Johns  River,  the  St.  Matheo  of  the  Spaniards." — 
BRINTON'S  Notes  on  Florida. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


253 


dwelling  of  their  enemies.  For  his  own  part,  that  he  would 
take  his  journey  through  the  woods  and  forests,  as  secretly  as 
he  could  ;  and  that  when  they  were  come  thither,  as  well  they 
that  went  up  by  water  as  he  which  went  by  land,  should  not 
fail,  by  the  break  of  the  day,  to  enter  into  the  village,  and  cut 
them  all  in  pieces,  except  the  women  and  little  children. 

These  things,  which  were  thus  agreed  upon,  were  exe 
cuted  with  as  great  fury  as  was  possible  ;  which,  when  they 
had  done,  they  took  the  heads  of  their  enemies  which  they 
had  slain,  and  cut  off  their  hair,  round  about,  with  a  piece  of 
their  skulls;  they  took  also  twenty-four  prisoners,  which  they 
led  away,  and  retired  themselves  immediately  into  their  boats, 
which  waited  for  them.  Being  come  thither,  they  began  to  sing 
praises  unto  the  Sun,  to  whom  they  attributed  their  victory. 
And,  afterwards,  they  put  the  skins  of  those  heads  on  the  end 
of  their  javelins,  and  went,  altogether,  toward  the  territories  of 
Paracoussy  OMOLOA,  one  of  them  which  was  in  the  company. 
Being  come  thither,  they  divided  their  prisoners,  equally,  to  each 
of  the  paracoussies,  and  left  thirteen  of  them  to  SATOURIOUA, 
which  straightway  dispatched  an  Indian,  his  subject,  to  carry 
news  before  of  the  victory,  to  them  which  staid  at  home  to 
guard  their  houses,  which  immediately  began  to  weep.  But,  as 
soon  as  night  was  come,  they  never  left  dancing,  and  playing  a 
thousand  gambols,  in  honor  of  the  feast. 

The  next  day,  the  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA  came  home,  who, 
before  he  entered  into  his  lodging,  caused  all  the  hair-skulls  of 
his  enemies  to  be  set  up  before  his  door,  and  crowned  them  with 
branches  of  laurel  —  showing,  by  this  glorious  spectacle,  the 


254  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  triumph  of  the  victory  which  he  had  obtained.  Straightway 
began  lamentation  and  mourning,  which,  as  soon  as  the  night 
began,  were  turned  into  pleasures  and  dances. 

After  that  I  was  advised  of  these  things,  I  sent  a  soldier  unto 
SATOURIOUA,  praying  him  to  send  me  two  of  his  prisoners ; 
which  he  denied  me,  saying,  that  he  was  nothing  beholding  unto 
me,  and  that  I  had  broken  my  promise  against  the  oath  which  I 
had  sworn  unto  him  at  my  arrival.  Which,  when  I  understood 
by  my  soldier,  which  was  come  back  with  speed,  I  devised  how 
I  might  be  revenged  of  this  savage,  and  to  make  him  know  how 
dearly  this  bold  bravado  of  his  should  cost  him ;  therefore,  I 
commanded  my  serjeant  to  provide  me  twenty  soldiers,  and  go 
with  me  to  the  house  of  SATOURIOUA.  Where,  after  I  was 
come,  and  entered  into  the  hall  without  any  manner  of  saluta 
tion,  I  went  and  sat  me  down  by  him,  and  staid  a  long  while 
without  speaking  a  word  unto  him,  or  showing  him  any  sign  of 
friendship,  which  thing  put  him  deeply  in  his  dumps;  besides, 
that  certain  soldiers  remained  at  the  gate,  to  whom  I  had  given 
express  commandment  to  suffer  no  Indian  to  go  forth.  Having 
stood  still  about  half  an  hour,  with  this  countenance,  at  length 
I  demanded  where  the  prisoners  were,  which  he  had  taken  at 
Thimogoa,  and  commanded  them  presently  to  be  brought  unto 
me.  Whereupon,  the  paracoussy,  angry  at  the  heart,  and  aston 
ished  wonderfully,  stood  a  long  while  without  making  any 
answer;  notwithstanding,  at  last,  he  answered  me  very  stoutly, 
that,  being  afraid  to  see  us  coming  thither  in  such  warlike 
manner,  they  fled  into  the  woods,  and  that,  not  knowing  which 
way  they  were  gone,  they  were  not  able,  by  any  means,  to 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  255 

bring  them  again.  Then  I  seemed  to  make  as  though  I  under-  1564. 
stood  not  what  he  had  said,  and  asked  for  his  prisoners  again, 
and  for  some  of  his  principal  allies.  Then  SATOURIOUA  com 
manded  his  athore  to  seek  out  the  prisoners,  and  to  cause  them 
to  be  brought  into  that  place;  which  thing  he  did,  within  an 
hour  after. 

After  they  were  come  to  the  lodging  of  the  paracoussy,  they 
humbly  saluted  me,  and,  lifting  up  their  hands  before  me,  they 
would  have  fallen  down  prostrate,  as  it  were,  at  my  feet ;  but  I 
would  not  suffer  them,  and,  soon  after,  led  them  away  with  me 
unto  my  own  fort.  The  paracoussy  being  wonderfully  offended 
with  this  bravado,  bethought  himself,  by  all  means,  how  he 
might  be  revenged  of  us.  But,  to  give  us  no  suspicion  thereof, 
and  the  better  to  cover  his  intention,  he  sent  his  messengers, 
oftentimes,  unto  us,  bringing  always  with  them  some  kind  of 
presents.  Among  others,  one  day,  he  sent  three  Indians,  which 
brought  us  two  baskets  full  of  great  pumpions,  much  more 
excellent  than  those  which  we  have  in  France,  and  promised 
me,  in  their  king's  behalf,  that,  during  mine  abode  in  that 
country,  I  should  never  want  victuals.  I  thanked  them  for 
their  king's  good  will,  and  signified  unto  them  the  great  desire 
which  I  had,  as  well  for  the  benefit  of  SATOURIOUA  as  for  the 
quiet  of  his  subjects,  to  make  a  peace  between  him  and  those  of 
Thimogoa;  which  thing  could  not  choose  but  turn  to  their  great 
benefit,  seeing  that  being  allied  with  the  kings  of  those  parts,  he 
had  an  open  passage  (ONATHEAQUA,  his  ancient  enemy),  which, 
otherwise,  he  could  not  set  upon. 

Moreover,  that  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA  was  so  mighty  a  para- 


256  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  coussy^  that  SATOURIORA  was  not  able  to  withstand  his  forces; 
but,  being  agreed  together,  they  might  easily  overthrow  all  their 
enemies,  and. might  pass  the  confines  of  the  farthest  rivers  that 
were  towards  the  south.  The  messengers  prayed  me  to  have 
patience  until  the  morrow,  at  what  time  they  would  come  again 
unto  me,  to  certify  of  their  lord's  inclination,  which  they  failed 
not  to  do;  advertising  me  that  Paracoussy  SATOURIOUA  was  the 
gladdest  man  in  the  world  to  treat  of  this  accord  (although., 
indeed,  he  was  quite  contrary),  and  that  he  besought  me  to  be 
diligent  therein,  promising  to  observe  and  perform  whatsoever 
I  should  agree  upon  with  those  of  Thimogoa ;  which  things  the 
messengers  also  rehearsed  unto  the  prisoners  which  I  had  led 
away.  After  they  were  departed,  I  resolved,  within  two  days, 
to  send  back  again  the  prisoners  to  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA, 
whose  subjects  they  were;  but,  before  I  embarked  them,  I  gave 
them  certain  small  trifles,  which  were  little  knives,  or  tablets 
of  glass,  wherein  the  image  of  King  CHARLES  IX  was  drawn, 
very  lively,  for  which  they  gave  me  very  great  thanks,  as  also 
for  the  honest  entertainment  which  was  given  at  Fort  Caro 
line.  After  this,  they  embarked  themselves,  with  Captain  VAS- 
SEUR,  and  with  M.  DE  ARLAC,*  mine  ensign,  which  I  had  sent 
of  purpose  to  remain  a  certain  time  with  OUAE  UTINA,  hoping 
that  the  favor  of  this  great  paracoussy  would  serve  my  turn 
greatly,  to  make  any  discoveries  in  time  to  come.  I  sent  with 
him,  also,  one  of  my  Serjeants,  and  six  gallant  soldiers. 


*  This  name,  which  often  occurs,  should  be  spelt  "  D'£RLACH."  "  Ce  Gentil- 
homme,"  says  CHARLEVOIX,  "  etoit  Suisse,  et  il  n'y  a  point  de  maison  de  Suisse  plus 
connue  que  celle  D'ERLACH." 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

Thus  things  passed  on  in  this  manner,  and  the  hatred  of  Para-  1564. 
coussy  SATOURIOUA  against  me  did  still  continue,  until  that,  on 
the  29th  of  August,  a  lightning  from  heaven  fell  within  half  a 
league  from  our  fort;  more  worthy,  I  believe,  to  be  wondered 
at,  and  to  be  put  in  writing,  than  all  the  strange  signs  which 
have  been  seen  in  times  past,  and  whereof  the  histories  have 
never  been  written.  For,  although  the  meadows  were,  at  that 
season,  all  green,  and  half  covered  over  with  water,  neverthe 
less,  the  lightning,  in  one  instant,  consumed  about  five  hundred 
acres  therewith,  and  burned,  with  the  ardent  heat,  thereof,  all  the 
fowls  which  took  their  pastime  in  the  meadows;  which  thing 
continued  for  three  days'  space — which  caused  us  not  a  little  to 
muse,  not  being  able  to  judge  whereof  this  fire  proceeded.  For 
one  while,  we  thought  that  the  Indians  had  burnt  their  houses, 
and  abandoned  their  places,  for  fear  of  us ;  another,  while  we 
thought  that  they  had  discovered  some  ships  on  the  sea,  and 
that,  according  to  their  custom,  they  had  kindled  many  fires, 
here  and  there,  to  signify  that  their  country  was  inhabited ; 
nevertheless,  being  not  assured,  I  determined  to  send  to  Para- 
coussy  SERRANAY  to  know  the  truth  thereof.  But,  even  as  I 
was  upon  the  point  to  send  one  by  boat,  to  discover  the  matter, 
six  Indians  came  unto  me  from  Paracoussy  ALLIMACANY,  which, 
at  their  first  entry,  made  unto  me  a  long  discourse,  and  a  very 
large  and  ample  oration  (after  they  had  presented  me  with 
certain  basketsful  of  maize,  of  pumpions,  and  of  grapes)  of  the 
loving  amity  which  ALLIMACANY  desired  to  continue  with  me, 
and  that  he  looked,  from  day  to  day,  when  it  would  please  me 
to  employ  him  in  my  service.  Therefore,  considering  the  ser- 

33 


258  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  viceable  affection  that  he  bare  unto  me,  he  found  it  very  strange 
that  I  thus  discharged  mine  ordinance  against  his  dwelling, 
which  had  burnt  up  an  infinite  sight  of  green  meadows,  and 
consumed  even  down  unto  the  bottom  of  the  water;  and  came 
so  near  unto  his  mansion,  that  he  thought  he  saw  the  fire  in  his 
house;  wherefore,  he  besought  me,  most  humbly,  to  command 
my  men  that  they  would  not  shoot  any  more  towards  his 
lodging,  otherwise  that,  hereafter,  he  should  be  constrained  to 
abandon  his  country,  and  to  retire  himself  into  some  place 
further  off  from  us. 

Having  understood  the  foolish  opinion  of  this  man,  which, 
notwithstanding,  could  not  choose  but  be  very  profitable  for  us, 
I  dissembled  what  I  thought  thereof  for  that  time,  and  answered 
the  Indians  with  a  cheerful  countenance,  that  the  relation  which 
they  made  unto  me  of  the  obedience  of  their  paracoussy  did 
please  me  right  well,  because  that,  before,  he  had  not  behaved 
himself  in  such  sort  towards  me,  especially  when  I  summoned 
him  to  send  me  the  prisoners  of  great  OLATA  OUAE  UTINA, 
which  he  detained;  whereof,  notwithstanding,  he  made  no  great 
account,  which  was  the  principal  cause  wherefore  I  had  dis 
charged  mine  ordnance  against  him ;  not  that  I  meant  to  reach 
unto  his  house  (as  I  might  have  done  easily,  if  it  had  pleased 
me),  but  that  I  was  content  to  shoot  the  half  way,  to  make  him 
know  my  force;  assuring  him,  furthermore,  that,  on  condition 
that  he  would  continue  in  his  good  affection,  no  more  ordnance 
should  be  discharged  against  him  hereafter;  and,  besides,  that  I 
would  become  his  faithful  protector  against  his  greatest  enemies. 

The  Indians,  contented  with  mine  answer,  returned,  to  assure 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  259 

their  paracoussy^  which,  notwithstanding  the  assurance,  withdrew      1 564. 

himself  from  his  dwelling  twenty  or  twenty-five  leagues  ofF,  and 

that  for  the  space  of  more  than  two  months.      After  that  three 

days  were  expired,  the  fire  was  quite  extinguished;   but,  for  two 

days  after,  there  followed  such  an  excessive  heat  in  the  air,  that 

the  river,  near  unto  which  we  planted  our  habitation,  became  so 

hot,  that  I  thought  it  was   almost  ready  to  seethe.     For  there 

died   so  great   abundance   of  fish,  and    that   of  so   many   divers 

sorts,  that,  in  the   mouth  of  the  river  only,  there  were  found 

dead  enough  to  have  loaded  fifty  carts,  whereof  there  issued  a 

putrefaction   in    the    air,   which   bred    many   dangerous  diseases 

amongst   us,   insomuch,   that   most   of  my    men    fell    sick,   and 

almost  ready  to  end  their  days.     Yet,  notwithstanding,  it  pleased 

our  merciful  GOD  so  to  provide,  by  his  providence,  that  all  our 

men  recovered  their  health,  without  the  loss  of  any  one  of  them. 


260 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     X. 


1564.          RBP^fOPij  fltt^Ut  Ire   EtlaC,   Captain  VASSEUR, 

and  one  of  my  Serjeants,  being  em 
barked,  with  their  ten  soldiers,  about 
the  loth  of  September,  to  carry  back 
the  prisoners  unto  UTINA,  sailed  so  far 
up  the  river,  that  they  discovered  a 

place  called  Maqarqua,  distant  from  our  fort  about  four-score 
leagues,  where  the  Indians  gave  them  good  entertainment,  and 
in  many  other  villages  which  they  found.  From  this  place, 
they  rowed  to  the  dwelling  of  Paracoussy  UTINA,*  which,  after 
he  had  feasted  them,  according  to  his  ability  and  power,  prayed 
M.  DE  ARLAC,  and  all  his  soldiers,  to  stay  awhile  with  him,  to 


*  Modern  antiquarians  have  located  the  territory  and  residence  of  OLATA  OUTINA  on 
the  banks  of  the  River  May  (St.  Johns))  near  the  northern  extremity  of  Lake  George. 
Among  the  tributaries  of  this  great  chief  (paracoussy],  were  CADECHA,  CHILILI,  ENCAPPE, 
CALANY,  ANACHARQUA,  ACQUERRA,  and  Moquoso.  The  warriors  of  OUTINA  covered 
their  breasts,  arms,  thighs,  and  legs,  with  plates  of  gold  and  silver.  He  was  the  rival 
monarch  of  SATOURIOUA  (SATORIVA),  whose  territory  also  extended  along  the  River 
May.  Other  kings  and  chiefs  lived  farther  south  on  that  river,  whose  country 
abounded  in  gold  and  silver,  from  which  M.  LAUDONNIERE'S  officers  procured  large 
quantities  in  bars,  supposed  to  have  been  taken  from  Spanish  galleons,  wrecked  on  the 
coast  of  Florida. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  26l 

aid  and  assist  him  in  battle  against  one  of  his  enemies,  called       1564. 
POTANOU;  whereunto  M.  DE  ARLAC  consented  willingly.     And, 
because  he  knew  not  how  long  he  might  have  occasion  to  stay 
in  these  parts,  he  sent  me  (Captain  VASSEUR)  and  the  bark  back 
again,  which  brought  home  only  five  soldiers  with  him. 

Now,  because  the  custom  of  the  Indians  is  always  to  wage 
war  by  surprise,  UTINA  resolved  to  take  his  enemy,  POTANOU, 
in  the  morning,  by  the  break  of  day.  To  bring  this  to  pass,  he 
made  his  men  to  travel  all  the  night,  which  might  be  in  number 
two  hundred  persons  •,  so  well  advised,  that  they  prayed  our 
French  shot  to  be  in  the  fore  front,  to  the  end  (as  they  said), 
that  the  noise  of  their  pieces  might  astonish  their  enemies;  not 
withstanding,  they  could  not  march  so  secretly  but  that  those 
of  the  village  of  POTANOU,  distant  from  the  dwelling  of  UTINA 
about  twenty-five  leagues,  were  aware  of  them ;  which  suddenly 
employed  and  bestowed  all  their  endeavor  to  defend  their  village, 
inclosed  all  with  trees,  and  issued  out  in  great  companies;  but, 
finding  themselves  charged  with  shot  (a  thing  wherewith  they 
never  had  been  acquainted),  also  beholding  the  captain  of  the 
band  fall  down  dead,  in  the  beginning  of  their  skirmish,  with  a 
shot  of  an  harquebuse,  which  struck  him  in  the  forehead,  dis 
charged  by  the  hand  of  M.  DE  ARLAC,  they  left  the  place;  and 
the  Indians  of  UTINA  got  into  the  village,  taking  men,  women, 
and  children,  prisoners. 

Thus,  Paracoussy  UTINA  obtained  the  victory  by  the  aid  of  our 
men,  which  slew  many  of  his  enemies,  and  lost,  in  this  conflict, 
one  of  their  companions,  wherewith  UTINA  was  very  much 
grieved.  Eight  or  ten  days  after,  I  sent  Captain  VASSEUR  back 


262  HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS   OF 

1564.  again,  with  a  bark,  to  fetch  home  M.  DE  ARLAC  and  his  soldiers, 
which,  at  their  return,  brought  me  certain  presents  from  UTINA, 
as  some  silver,  and  a  small  quantity  of  gold,  painted  skins,  and 
other  things,  with  a  thousand  thanks,  which  the  paracoussy  gave 
me,  and  which  promised,  that  if,  in  any  enterprise  of  import 
ance,  I  should  have  need  of  his  men,  he  would  furnish  me  with 
three  hundred  and  above. 

While  I  thus  travelled,  to  purchase  friends,  and  to  practice 
one  while  with  one  here,  and  another  while  with  another  there, 
certain  soldiers  of  my  company  were  suborned,  underhand, 
by  one  named  LA  ROQUETTE,  of  the  country  of  Perigott,  which 
put  in  their  heads  that  he  was  a  great  magician,  and  that,  by 
the  secrets  of  art-magic,  he  had  discovered  a  mine  of  gold  and 
silver,  far  up  within  the  river,  whereby  (upon  the  loss  of  his 
life)  every  soldier  should  receive,  in  ready  bullion,  the  value  of 
ten  thousand  crowns,  besides  and  above  fifteen  hundred  thou 
sand,  which  should  be  reserved  for  the  King's  Majesty ;  where 
fore  they  allied  themselves  with  LA  ROQUETTE  and  another  of 
his  confederates,  whose  name  was  LE  GEURE,  in  whom,  not 
withstanding,  I  had  great  affiance.  This  LE  GUERE,*  exceed 
ing  desirous  to  enrich  himself  in  those  parts,  and,  seeking  to 
be  revenged,  because  I  would  not  give  him  the  carriage  of  the 
packet  into  France,  secretly  informed  the  soldiers  that  were 
already  suborned  by  LA  ROQUETTE,  that  I  would  deprive  them 
of  this  great  gain,  in  that  I  did  set  them  daily  on  work,  not 
sending  them  on  every  side  to  discover  the  countries ;  therefore, 


*  This  name  is  sometimes,  written  "  LE  GENRE,  a  lieutenant  who  was  somewhat 
in  the  confidence  of  M.  LAUDONNIERE. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  26? 

that  it  were  a  good  deed,  after  they  had  made  me  understand  so  1564. 
much,  to  seek  means  to  dispatch  me  out  of  the  way,  and  to 
choose  another  captain  in  my  place,  if  I  would  not  give  them 
victuals,  according  to  their  disordinate  appetite.  He  also  brought 
me  word  here  of  himself,  making  a  large  discourse  unto  me  of 
the  good  affection  of  the  soldiers,  which  all  besought  me  that 
I  would  conduct  them  to  the  countries  where  the  mine  was. 
I  made  him  answer,  that  all  could  not  go  thither,  and  that  it 
was  necessary,  before  their  departure,  to  settle  our  fortress  in 
such  estate,  that  those  which  were  to  stay  at  home  behind 
should  remain  in  security  against  the  Indians  which  might  sur 
prise  them. 

Furthermore,  that  their  manner  of  proceeding  seemed  strange 
unto  me;  for  that  they  imagined  that  the  King's  Majesty  was, 
at  the  charges  of  our  voyage,  for  none  other  end,  but  only  to 
enrich  them  at  their  first  arrival,  inasmuch  as  they  showed 
themselves  much  more  given  unto  covetousness  than  unto  the 
service  of  their  prince.  But,  seeing  mine  answer  tended  unto 
none  other  end  but  to  make  our  fortress  strong  and  defensible, 
they  determined  to  travel  in  the  work,  and  made  an  ensign  of 
old  linen,  which,  ordinarily,  they  bore  upon  the  rampart  when 
they  went  to  work,  always  wearing  their  weapons,  which  I 
thought  they  had  done  to  encourage  themselves  to  work  the 
better.  But,  as  I  perceived,  afterwards,  and  that,  by  the  con 
fession  of  GEURE,  sent  me  in  letters  which  he  wrote  to  me  of 
that  matter,  these  gentle  soldiers  did  the  same  for  none  other 
end  but  to  have  killed  me,  and  my  lieutenant  also,  if,  by  chance, 
I  had  given  them  any  hard  speeches. 


264  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  About   the    2Oth  of  September,  as    I   came   home   from   the 

woods  and  coppices,  to  finish  the  building  of  my  fort  (and 
that,  according  to  my  usual  manner,  I  marched  first  to  give 
encouragement  unto  my  soldiers),  I  chafed  myself  in  such  sore 
and  grievous  sickness,  whereof  I  thought  I  should  have  died ; 
during  which  sickness,  I  called  LE  GEURE  often  unto  me,  as 
one  that  I  trusted  above  all  others,  and  of  whose  conspiracies  I 
doubted  not  any  whit  at  all.  In  this,  meanwhile,  assembling 
his  accomplices,  sometimes  in  his  chamber,  and  sometimes  in 
the  woods,  to  consult  with  them,  he  spake  unto  them  to  choose 
another  captain,  besides  me,  to  the  intent  to  put  me  to  death ; 
but,  being  not  able,  by  open  force,  to  execute  his  mischievous 
intention,  he  got  him  unto  mine  apothecary,  praying  him  in 
stantly  to  mingle  in  my  medicine,  which  I  was  to  receive  one 
or  two  days  after,  some  drug  that  should  make  me  fritch  over 
the  perch,  or,  at  the  least,  he  would  give  me  a  little  arsenic,  or 
quicksilver,  which  he  himself  would  put  into  my  drink.  But 
the  apothecary  denied  him,  as  did,  in  like  manner,  Master  S., 
which  was  master  of  the  fire-works.  Thus,  wholly  disap 
pointed  of  both  his  means,  he,  with  certain  others,  resolved  to 
hide  a  little  barrel  of  gunpowder  underneath  my  bed,  and,  by 
a  train,  to  set  it  on  fire. 

Upon  these  practices,  a  gentleman,  which  I  had  dispatched  to 
return  into  France,  being  about  to  take  his  leave  of  me,  "adver 
tised  me,  that  LE  GEURE  had  given  him  a  book,  full  of  all  kind 
of  lewd  invectives  and  slanders  against  me,  against  Monsieur 
DE  OTTIGNI,  and  against  the  principal  of  my  company ;  upon 
which  occasion,  I  assembled  all  my  soldiers  together,  and  Capt. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


265 


BOURDET,  with  all  his  ;  which,  on  the  4th  of  September,  arrived 
in  the  road,  and  were  come  into  our  river.  In  their  presence,  I 
caused  the  contents  of  the  book  to  be  read  aloud,  that  they 
might  bear  record  of  the  untruths  that  were  written  against  M. 
LE  GEURE,  which  had  gotten  him  into  the  woods,  for  fear  of 
being  taken  (where  he  lived  for  awhile  after  with  the  savages, 
by  my  permission),  wrote  unto  me  often,  and,  in  many  of  his 
letters,  confessed  unto  me,  that  he  had  deserved  death,  con 
demning  himself  so  far  forth,  that  he  referred  all  to  my  mercy 
and  pity. 


34 


1564. 


266 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XI. 


N  the  ;th  or  8th  day  of  November, 
after  I  had  caused  sufficient  provision 
of  such  victuals  as  were  needful  to  be 
made,  I  sent  two  of  my  men,  to  wit : 
LA  ROCHE  FERRIERE,  and  another,  to 
ward  King  UTINA,  to  discover,  every 

day,  more  and  more  of  the  country — where  he  was  the  space  of 
five  or  six  months,  during  which  he  discovered  many  small 
villages,  and,  among  others,  one  named  Hostaque — the  king, 
whereof,  being  desirous  of  my  friendship,  sent  unto  me  a  quiver, 
made  of  a  lucern's  skin,  full  of  arrows,  a  couple  of  bows,  four 
or  five  skins,  painted  after  their  manner,  and  a  chain  of  silver, 
weighing  about  a  pound  weight.  In  recompense  of  which 
presents,  I  sent  him  two  whole  suits  of  apparel,  with  certain 
cutting-hooks,  or  hatchets. 

After  these  things,  therefore,  in  this  sort,  passed,  about  the 
loth  of  this  month,  Captain  BOURDET  determined  to  leave  me, 
and  to  return  into  France.  Then  I  requested  him — yea,  rather 
was  exceeding  importunate  with  him — to  carry  home  with  him 
some  six  or  seven  soldiers,  whom  I  could  not  trust,  by  any 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  26j 

means  :  which  he  did,  for  my  sake,  and  would  not  charge  him 
self  with  LE  GUERE,  which  offered  him  a  great  sum  of  money, 
if  it  would  please  him  to  carry  him  into  France :  he  transported 
him  only  to  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Three  days  after  his 
departure,  thirteen  mariners,  which  I  had  brought  out  of  France, 
suborned  by  certain  other  mariners,  which  Captain  BOURDET 
had  left  me,  stole  away  my  barks,  in  manner  following  :  These 
mariners  of  Captain  BOURDET  put  mine  in  the  head,  that  if 
they  had  such  barks  as  mine  were,  they  might  gain  very  much 
in  the  isles  of  the  Antilles,  and  make  an  exceedingly  profitable 
voyage.  Hereupon,  they  began  to  devise  how  they  might  steal 
away  my  barks,  and  consulted,  that  when  I  should  command 
them  to  go  unto  the  village  of  Sarauahi,  distant  about  a  league 
and  a  half  from  our  fort,  and  situated  upon  an  arm  of  the  river 
(whither,  according  to  my  manner,  I  sent  them  daily  to  seek 
clay,  to  make  brick  and  mortar  for  our  houses),  they  would 
return  no  more,  but  would  furnish  themselves  with  victuals,  as 
well  as  they  might  possibly,  and  then  would  embark  themselves, 
all  in  one  vessel,  and  would  go  their  way — as,  indeed,  they  did. 
And,  that  which  was  worse,  two  Flemish  carpenters,  which  the 
said  BOURDET  had  left  me,  stole  away  the  other  bark,  and, 
before  their  departure,  cut  the  cables  of  the  bark,  and  of  the 
ship-boat,'  that  it  might  go  away  with  the  tide,  that  I  might  not 
pursue  them ;  so  that  I  remained  without  either  bark  or  boat, 
which  fell  out  as  unluckily  for  me  as  possible;  for  I  was 
ready  to  embark  myself,  with  all  speed,  to  discover  as  far  up 
our  river  as  I  might,  by  any  means.  Now,  my  mariners  (as  I 
understood  afterwards)  took  a  bark,  that  was  a  passenger  of  the 


268  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  Spaniards,  near  the  Isle  of  Cuba^  wherein  they  found  a  certain 
quantity  of  gold  and  silver,  which  they  seized  upon.  And, 
having  this  booty,  they  lay  awhile  at  sea,  until  their  victuals 
began  to  fail  them  ;  which  was  the  cause  that,  oppressed  with 
famine,  they  came  unto  Havana,  the  principal  town  of  the  Isle 
of  Cuba;  whereupon  proceeded  that  mischief,  which,  hereafter, 
I  will  declare  more  at  large.  When  I  saw  my  barks  returned 
not  at  their  wonted  hour,  and  suspecting  that  which  fell  out, 
indeed,  I  commanded  my  carpenters,  with  all  diligence,  to  make 
a  little  boat,  with  a  flat  bottom,  to  search  those  rivers  for  some 
news  of  these  mariners.  The  boat,  dispatched  within  a  day 
and  a  night — by  reason  that  my  carpenters  found  planks  and 
timber  ready  sawed  to  their  hands,  as,  commonly,  I  caused  my 
sawyers  to  provide  it — I  sent  men  to  seek  some  news  of  my 
thieves ;  but  all  was  in  vain.  Therefore,  I  determined  to  cause 
two  great  barks  to  be  built,  each  of  which  might  be  thirty-five 
or  thirty-six  feet  long  in  the  keel.  And  now  that  the  work  was 
very  well  forward,  which  I  had  set  my  workmen  about,  when 
ambition  and  avarice  (the  mother  of  all  mischief)  took  root  in 
the  hearts  of  four  or  five  soldiers,  which  could  not  away  with 
the  work  and  pains-taking;  and  which,  from  thenceforward 
(namely,  one  FOURNEAUX,  and  one  LA  CROIX,  and  another, 
called  STEVEN  LE  GENEUOIS,  the  three  principal  anthors  of  the 
sedition),  began  to  practice  with  the  best  of  my  troop,  showing 
them  that  it  was  a  vile  thing  for  men  of  honest  parentage,  as 
they  were,  to  turmoil  themselves  thus  with  abject  and  base 
work,  seeing  that  they  had  the  best  occasion  in  the  world  offered 
them  to  make  themselves  all  rich;  which  was  to  arm  the  two 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  269 

barks  which  were  in  building,  and  to  furnish  them  with  good 
men ;  and  thereto  sail  into  Peru,  and  the  other  isles  of  the 
Antilles,  where  every  soldier  might  easily  enrich  himself  with 
ten  thousand  crowns.  And,  if  their  enterprise  should  be  mis- 
liked,  withal,  in  France,  they  should  be  always  able,  by  reason 
of  the  great  wealth  that  they  should  gain,  to  retire  themselves 
into  Italy,  until  the  heat  were  overpast,  and  that,  in  the  mean 
season,  some  war  would  fall  out,  which  would  cause  all  this  to 
be  quite  forgotten. 

This  word  of  riches,  sounded  so  well  in  the  ears  of  my 
soldiers,,  that,  in  fine,  after  they  had  oftentimes  consulted  of 
their  affairs,  they  grew  to  the  number  of  three-score  and  six ; 
which,  to  color  their  great  desire  which  they  had  to  go  on 
stealing,  they  caused  a  request  to  be  presented  unto  me,  by 
FRANCIS  DE  LA  CAILLE,  serjeant  of  my  company,  containing, 
in  sum,  a  declaration  of  the  small  store  of  victuals  that  was 
left  to  maintain  us,  until  the  time  that  ships  might  return  from 
France ;  for  remedy,  whereof,  they  thought  it  necessary  to  send 
to  New  Spain,  Peru,  and  all  the  isles  adjoining,  which  they 
besought  me  to  be  content  to  grant.  But,  I  made  them  answer, 
that,  when  the  barks  were  finished,  I  would  take  such  good 
order  in  general,  that,  by  means  of  the  King's  merchandise, 
without  sparing  mine  own  apparel,  we  would  get  victuals  of  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country ;  seeing,  also,  that  we  had  enough  to 
serve  us  for  four  months  to  come;  for  I  feared  greatly  that, 
under  pretense  of  searching  for  victuals,  they  would  enterprise 
somewhat  against  the  King  of  Spain's  subjects,  which,  in  time 
to  come,  might  justly  be  laid  to  my  charge,  considering  that,  at 


270 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  our  departure  out  of  France,  the  Queen  had  charged  me,  very 
expressly,  to  do  no  kind  of  wrong  to  the  King  of  Spain's 
subjects,  nor  anything  whereof  he  might  conceive  any  jealousy. 
They  made  as  though  they  were  content  with  this  answer;  but, 
eight  days  after,  as  I  continued  in  working  upon  our  fort,  and 
on  my  barks,  I  fell  sick.  Then,  my  seditious  companions,  for 
getting  all  honor  and  duty,  supposing  that  they  had  found  good 
occasion  to  execute  their  rebellious  enterprise,  began  to  practice, 
afresh,  their  former  designs,  handling  their  business  so  well, 
during  my  sickness,  that  they  openly  vowed  that  they  would 
seize  on  the  guard  du  corps^  and  on  the  fort ;  yea,  and  force  me, 
also,  if  I  would  not  consent  unto  their  wicked  desire.  My 
lieutenant  being,  hereof,  advertised,  came  and  told  me  that  he 
suspected  some  evil  practice;  and,  the  next  day,  in  the  morning, 
I  was  saluted  at  my  gate,  with  men  in  complete  harness,  what 
time  my  soldiers  were  about  to  play  me  a  shrewd  trick;  then  I 
sent  to  seek  a  couple  of  gentlemen,  whom  I  most  trusted, 
which  brought  me  word  that  the  soldiers  were  determined  to 
come  to  me,  to  make  a  request  unto  me.  But,  I  told  them, 
this  was  not  the  fashion  to  present  a  request  unto  a  captain,  in 
this  manner;  and,  therefore,  they  should  send  some  few  unto 
me,  to  signify  unto  me  what  they  would  have. 

Hereupon,  the  five  chief  authors  of  the  sedition,  armed  with 
corselets,  their  pistols  in  their  hands,  already  bent,  pressed  into 
my  chamber,  saying  unto  me,  that  they  would  go  to  New  Spain, 
to  seek  their  adventure. 

Then  I  warned  them  to  be  well  advised  what  they  meant  to 
do;  but,  they  forthwith  replied,  that  they  were  fully  advised 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  2J  1 

already,  and  that  I  must  grant  them  this  request.  Seeing,  then,  1564. 
quoth  I,  that  I  am  enforced  to  do  it,  I  will  send  Captain  VAS- 
SEUR,  and  my  Serjeant,  which  will  make  answer,  and  give  me 
an  account  of  everything  that  shall  be  done  in  this  voyage ;  and, 
to  content  you,  I  think  it  good  that  you  take  one  man  out  of 
every  chamber,  that  they  may  accompany  Captain  VASSEUR  and 
my  serjeant.  Whereupon,  blaspheming  the  name  of  GOD,  they 
answered,  that  they  must  go  thither;  and  that  there  lacked 
nothing,  but  that  I  should  deliver  them  the  armor,  which  I  had 
in  my  custody;  for  fear  least  I  might  use  them  to  their  disad 
vantage  (being  so  villainously  abused  by  them),  wherein,  not 
withstanding,  I  would  not  yield  unto  them.  But  they  took  all 
by  force,  and  carried  it  out  of  my  house;  yea,  and  after  they 
had  hurt  a  gentleman  in  my  chamber  which  spake  against  their 
doings,  they  laid  hands  on  me,  and  carried  me,  very  sick  as  I 
was,  prisoner  into  a  ship  which  rode  at  anchor  in  the  midst  of 
the  river;  wherein  I  was  the  space  of  fifteen  days,  attended 
upon  with  one  man  only,  without  permission  of  any  of  my 
servants  to  come  to  visit  me  ;  from  every  one  of  whom,  as  also 
from  the  rest  that  took  my  part,  they  took  away  their  armor. 
And  they  sent  me  a  passport  to  sign,  telling  me,  plainly,  after  I 
had  denied  them,  that,  if  I  made  any  difficulty,  they  would  all 
come  and  cut  my  throat  in  the  ship.  Thus  was  I  constrained 
to  sign  their  passport ;  and,  forthwith,  to  grant  them  certain 
mariners,  with  TRENCHANT,  an  honest  and  skillful  pilot. 

When  the  barks  were  finished,  they  armed  them  with  the 
King's  munition,  with  powder,  with  bullets,  and  artillery,  as 
much  as  they  needed,  and  chose  one  of  my  Serjeants  for  their 


272 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  captain,  named  BERTRAND  CONFERRENT;  and,  for  their  ensign, 
one  named  LA  CROIX.  They  compelled  Captain  VASSEUR  to 
deliver  them  the  flag  of"  his  ship;  then,  having  determined  to 
sail  unto  a  place  of  the  Antilles,  called  Lauguane,  belonging 
unto  the  King  of  Spain,  and  there  to  go  on  land,  on  Christmas 
night,  with  intention  to  enter  into  the  church  while  the  mass 
was  said,  after  midnight,  and  to  murder  all  those  that  they  found 
there,  they  set  sail  on  the  8th  of  December.  But,  because  the 
greatest  part  of  them,  by  this  time,  repented  them  of  their 
enterprise,  and  that  they  now  began  to  fall  into  mutinies  among 
themselves  when  they  came  forth  of  the  river,  the  two  barks 
divided  themselves — the  one  kept  along  the  coast  unto  Cuba,  to 
double  the  cape  more  easily,  and  the  other  went  right  forth  to 
pass  athwart  the  Isles  of  Lacy  a ;  by  reason,  whereof,  they  met 
not  until  five  weeks  after  their  departure.  During  which  time, 
the  bark  that  took  her  way  along  the  coast,  wherein  one  of 
the  chief  conspirators,  named  DE  ORANGE,  was  captain,  and 
TRENCHANT,  his  pilot,  near  unto  a  place,  called  Arcbaka,  took 
a  brigantine,  laden  with  a  certain  quanity  of  cassavi — which  is  a 
kind  of  bread,  made  of  roots,  and  yet,  nevertheless,  is  very 
white,  and  good  to  eat — and  some  little  wine,  which  was  not 
without  some  loss  of  their  men;  for,  in  one  assault  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Arcbaha  made  upon  them,  two  of  their  men 
were  taken,  to  wit:  STEPHEN  GOUDOU,  and  one  named  GRAND 
PRE,  besides  two  more  that  were  slain  in  the  place,  namely, 
NICOLAS  MASTER,  and  DOUBLET;  yet,  nevertheless,  they  took 
the  brigantine,  wherein  they  put  all  their  stuff  that  was  in 
their  own  bark,  because  it  was  of  greater  burthen,  and  better 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  273 

of  sail  than  their  own.  Afterward,  they  sailed  right  unto  the  1 564. 
Cape  of  Santa  Maria,  near  to  Leauguane,  where  they  went  on 
land,  to  caulk  and  braye  their  ship,  which  had  a  great  leak.  In 
this,  meanwhile,  they  resolved  to  sail  to  Baracou,  which  is  a 
village  of  the  Isle  of 'Jamaica,  where,  at  their  arrival,  they  found 
a  caravel,  of  fifty  or  three-score  tons  burthen,  which  they  took, 
without  anybody  in  it ;  and,  after  they  had  made  good  cheer  in 
the  village,  the  space  of  five  or  six  days,  they  embarked  them 
selves  in  it,  leaving  their  second  ship;  then  they  returned  to  the 
Cape  of  Tiburon,  where  they  met  with  a  patach,  which  they  took 
by  force,  after  a  long  conflict.  In  this  patach  >  the  Governor  of 
Jamaica  was  taken,  with  great  store  of  riches,  as  well  of  gold 
and  silver  as  of  merchandise  and  wine,  and  many  other  things ; 
wherein  our  seditious  companions,  not  content,  determined  to 
seek  more  in  their  caravel,  and  their  Governor  of  Jamaica,  also. 
After  they  were  come  to  Jamaica,  they  missed  of  another 
caravel,  which  did  save  itself  in  the  haven.  The  governor, 
being  fine  and  subtle,  seeing  himself  brought  unto  the  place 
which  he  desired,  and  where  he  commanded,  obtained  so  much 
by  his  fair  words,  that  they,  which  had  taken  him,  let  him  put 
two  little  boys,  which  were  taken  with  him,  into  a  little  cock 
boat,  and  sent  them  to  his  wife  into  the  village,  to  advertise 
her  that  she  should  make  provision  of  victuals  to  send  unto  him. 
But,  instead  of  writing  unto  his  wife,  he  spake  unto  the  boys 
secretly,  that,  with  all  diligence,  she  should  send  the  vessels 
that  were  in  the  havens  near  that  place,  to  succor  and  rescue 
him.  Which  she  did,  so  cunningly,  that,  on  a  morning,  about 
the  break  of  the  day,  as  our  seditious  companions  were  at  the 

35 


274 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  haven's  mouth  (which  reacheth  above  two  leagues  up  within  the 
land),  there  came  out  of  the  haven  a  malgualire,  which  maketh 
sail  both  forward  and  backward,  and  then  two  great  ships, 
which  might  be,  each  of  them,  of  four-score  or  an  hundred  tons 
apiece,  with  good  store  of  ordnance,  and  well  furnished  with 
men ;  at  whose  coming  our  mutinous  fellows  were  surprised, 
being  not  able  to  see  them  when  they  came,  as  well  because  of 
the  darkness  of  the  weather,  as,  also,  by  reason  of  the  length  of 
the  haven;  considering,  also,  they  mistrusted  nothing.  True 
it  is,  that  five  or  six-and-twenty  that  were  in  the  brigantine 
discovered  these  ships  when  they  were  near  them,  which,  seeing 
themselves  pressed  for  want  of  leisure  to  weigh  their  anchor, 
cut  their  cable,  and  the  trumpeter,  which  was  in  it,  advertised 
the  rest;  whereupon  the  Spaniards,  seeing  themselves  descried, 
discharged  a  volley  of  cannon-shot  against  the  Frenchmen, 
which  they  followed,  by  the  space  of  three  leagues,  and  recovered 
their  own  ships.  The  brigantine,  which  escaped  away,  passed 
sight  of  the  Cape  des  Aigrettes,  and  the  Cape  of  St.  Anthony, 
situate  in  the  Isle  of  Cuba,  and,  from  thence,  passed  within  the 
sight  of  Havana.  But,  TRENCHANT,  their  pilot,  and  the  trum 
peter,  and  certain  other  mariners  of  this  brigantine,  which 
were  led  away  by  force  in  this  voyage  (as  elsewhere  we  have 
declared),  desired  nothing  more  than  to  return  to  me;  where 
fore,  these  men  agreed  together  (if,  peradventure,  the  wind 
served  them  well)  to  pass  the  channel  of  Bahama  while  their 
seditious  companions  were  asleep;  which  they  did  accomplish 
with  such  good  success,  that,  in  the  morning,  toward  the  break 
of  day,  about  the  25th  of  March,  they  arrived  upon  the  coast  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  275 

Florida;  where,  knowing  the  fault  which  they  had  committed,  l 
in  a  kind  of  mockery,  they  counterfeited  the  judges;  but  they 
played  not  this  prank  until  they  had  tippled  well  of  the  wine 
which  remained  yet  in  their  prize.  One  counterfeited  the 
judge,  another  personated  my  person ;  one  other,  after  he  had 
heard  the  matter  pleaded,  concluded  thus:  "Make  you  your 
causes  as  good  as  it  pleaseth  you ;  but  if,  when  you  come  to 
Fort  Caroline,  the  captain  cause  you  not  to  be  hanged,  I  will 
never  take  him  for  an  honest  man."  Others  thought  that,  my 
choler  being  passed,  I  would  easily,  forget  this  matter.  Their 
sail  was  no  sooner  descried  upon  our  coast,  but  the  king  of  the 
place,  named  PATICA,  dwelling  eight  leagues  distant  from  our 
fort,  and  being  one  of  our  good  friends,  sent  an  Indian  to  adver 
tise  me  that  he  had  descried  a  ship  upon  the  coast,  and  that  he 
thought  it  was  one  of  our  nation.  Hereupon,  the  brigantine, 
oppressed  with  famine,  came  to  an  anchor  at  the  mouth  of  the 
River  of  May,  when,  at  the  first  blush,  we  thought  they  had 
been  ships  come  from  France,  which  gave  us  occasion  of  great 
joy.  But,  after  I  had  caused  her  to  be  better  viewed,  I  was 
advertised  that  they  were  our  seditious  companions  that  were 
returned.  Therefore,  I  sent  them  word,  by  Captain  VASSEUR 
and  my  serjeant,  that  they  should  bring  up  their  brigantine 
before  the  fortress,  which  they  promised  to  do.  Now,  they  were 
not  above  two  leagues  distance  from  the  mouth  of  the  river, 
where  they  cast  anchor,  unto  the  fortress.  The  next  day,  I 
sent  the  same  captain  and  serjeant,  with  thirty  soldiers,  because 
I  saw  they  much  delayed  their  coming.  Then  they  brought 
them ;  and,  because  certain  of  them  had  sworn,  at  their  de- 


276  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

parture,  that  they  would  never  come  again  within  the  fort,  I 
was  well  pleased  that  they  should  keep  their  oath.  For  this 
purpose,  I  waited  for  them  at  the  river's  mouth,  where  I  made 
my  barks  to  be  built,  and  commanded  my  Serjeant  to  bring  the 
four  chief  authors  of  the  mutiny  on  shore,  whom  I  caused, 
immediately,  to  be  put  in  fetters ;  for  my  meaning  was  not  to 
punish  the  rest,  considering  that  they  were  suborned,  and 
because  my  council,  expressly  assembled  for  this  purpose,  had 
concluded  that  these  four  only  should  die,  to  serve  for  an 
example  to  the  rest.  In  the  same  place,  I  made  an  oration 
unto  them,  in  this  manner: 

"  My  friends,  you  know  the  cause  why  our  King  sent  us  unto 
this  country;  you  know  that  he  is  our  natural  prince,  whom  we 
are  bound  to  obey,  according  to  the  commandment  of  GOD,  in 
such  sort  that  we  ought  neither  to  spare  our  goods,  or  lives, 
to  do  those  things  that  concern  his  service;  ye  know,  or,  at 
least,  you  cannot  be  ignorant,  that,  besides  this  general  and 
natural  obligation,  you  have  this  also  joined  thereunto;  that, 
in  receiving  of  him  reasonable  pay  and  wages,  you  are  bound  to 
follow  those  whom  he  hath  established  over  you,  to  be  your 
governors,  and  to  command  you,  in  his  name ;  having,  for  this 
purpose,  given  him  an  oath  of  fidelity,  which  you  cannot,  by 
any  means,  revoke  for  any  fair  appearance  which  you  have  to 
do  the  contrary ;  for  this  is  reason,  that  seeing  you  live  upon 
his  charges,  upon  this  condition  (this  is  reason,  I  say)  that  you 
should  be  faithful  unto  him.  Notwithstanding  you  have  had 
more  regard  unto  your  unbridled  affections  than  unto  virtue, 
which  invited  you  to  the  observance  of  your  oath,  in  such  sort 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

that,  being  become  contemners  of  all  honesty,  you  have  passed  1564. 
your  bonds,  and  thought  that  all  things  were  lawful  for  you. 
Whereupon,  it  is  fallen  out,  that  while  you  thought  to  escape 
the  justice  of  men,  you  could  not  avoid  the  judgment  of  GOD, 
which,  as  a  thing  by  no  means  to  be  avoided,  hath  led  you,  and, 
in  spite  of  you,  hath  made  you  to  arrive  in  this  place,  to  make 
you  confess  how  true  his  judgments  are,  and  that  he  never 
suffereth  so  foul  a  fault  to  escape  unpunished." 

After  that  I  had  used  unto  them  these,  or  the  like  speeches, 
following  that  which  we  had  agreed  upon  in  council  in  respect 
of  the  crimes  which  they  had  committed,  as  well  against  the 
King's  Majesty  as  against  me,  which  was  their  captain,  I  com 
manded  that  they  should  be  hanged.  Seeing,  therefore,  that 
there  was  no  starting-hole,  nor  means  at  all  to  save  themselves 
from  this  arrest,  they  took  themselves  unto  their  prayers;  yet, 
one  of  the  four,  thinking  to  raise  a  mutiny  among  my  soldiers, 
said  thus  unto  them:  "What,  brethren  and  companions,  will 
you  suffer  us  to  die  so  shamefully  ?"  And,  taking  the  words 
out  of  his  mouth,  I  said  unto  him:  "That  they  were  not  com 
panions  of  authors  of  sedition,  and  rebels  unto  the  King's 
service."  Hereupon  the  soldiers  besought  me  not  to  hang 
them,  but  rather  let  them  be  shot  through,  and  then,  afterward, 
if  I  thought  good,  their  bodies  might  be  hanged  upon  certain 
gibbets  along  the  haven's  mouth,  which  I  caused  presently  to  be 
put  in  execution.  So,  here,  what  was  the  end  of  my  mutinous 
soldiers,  without  which  I  had  always  lived  peaceably,  and 
enjoyed  the  good  desire,  which  I  had,  to  make  an  happy  and 
quiet  voyage  ?  But,  because  I  have  spoken  of  nothing  but  their 


278  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  accidents  and  adventures  which  happened  unto  them  after  their 
departure,  without  making  any  mention  of  our  fort,  I  will  return 
to  the  matters  from  which  I  digressed,  to  declare  that  which  fell 
out  after  their  departure.  First,  I  began  to  consider  I  might 
confirm  and  make  myself  more  constant  in  mine  affliction,  that 
these  murmurers  could  not  ground  their  sedition  upon  want  of 
victuals ;  for,  from  the  time  of  our  arrival,  every  soldier,  daily, 
unto  this  day,  and,  besides,  until  the  28th  of  February,  had  a 
loaf  of  bread,  weighing  twenty-two  ounces.  Again,  I  recounted, 
with  myself,  that  all  new  conquests,  by  sea  and  by  land,  are, 
ordinarily,  troubled  with  rebellions,  which  are  easy  to  be  raised, 
as  well  in  respect  of  the  distance  of  place  as  in  respect  of  the 
hope  that  the  soldiers  have  to  make  their  profits,  as  we  may 
be  well  informed,  both  by  ancient  histories,  and  also  by  the 
troubles  which  lately  happened  unto  CHRISTOPHER  COLUMBUS 
after  his  first  discovery,  to  FRANCIS  PIZARRO,  and  DIEGO  DE 
ALMAGRO,  in  Peru,  and  to  FERNANDO  CORTEZ.  An  hundred 
thousand  other  things  came  unto  my  mind  to  encourage  and 
confirm  me.  My  lieutenant,  OTTIGNI,  and  the  Serjeant  of  my 
band,  came  to  seek  me  in  the  ship,  where  I  was  prisoner,  and 
carried  me  from  thence  in  a  bark,  as  soon  as  our  rebels  were 
departed.  After  I  was  come  unto  the  fort,  I  caused  all  my 
company  that  remained  to  be  assembled  in  the  midst  of  the 
place,  before  the  corps  de  garde,  and  declared  unto  them  the 
faults  which  they,  that  had  forsaken  us,  had  committed,  praying 
them  to  bear  them  in  memory,  to  bear  witness,  thereof,  when 
need  should  require.  Forthwith,  I  ordained  new  captains  to 
command  the  troops,  and  prescribed  them  an  order,  according 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  279 

whereunto  they  were  to  govern  themselves  from  henceforth,  and  15^4* 
to  enter  into  their  watch ;  for  the  greatest  part  of  the  soldiers, 
of  whom  I  had  the  best  opinion,  were  gone  away  with  them. 
My  declaration  ended,  they  all  promised  me,  with  one  accord, 
to  obey  me  most  humbly,  and  to  do  whatsoever  I  should  com 
mand  them,  though  it  were  to  die  at  my  feet,  for  the  King's 
service;  wherein,  assuredly,  they  never  after  failed,  so  that,  I 
dare  say,  after  the  departure  of  my  mutinous  companions,  I  was 
as  well  obeyed  as  ever  was  captain  in  place  where  he  com 
manded.  The  next  day,  after  my  return  unto  the  fort,  I 
assembled  my  men  together  again,  to  declare  unto  them  that 
our  fort  was  not  yet  finished,  and  that  it  was  needful  that  all  of 
us  should  put,  thereto,  our  helping  hands,  to  assure  ourselves 
against  the  Indians;  wherein,  having  willingly  agreed  unto  me, 
they  raised  it  all  with  turf  from  the  gate  unto  the  river,  which 
is  on  the  west  side.  This  done,  I  set  my  carpenters  on  work 
to  make  another  bark,  of  the  same  bigness  that  the  others  were 
of;  I  commanded  the  sawyers  that  they  should  prepare  planks, 
the  smiths  to  prepare  upon  nails,  and,  certain  others,  to  make 
coal,  so  that  the  bark  was  finished  in  eighteen  days.  After 
wards,  I  made  another,  less  than  the  first,  the  better  to  discover 
up  the  river.  In  this  mean  space,  the  Indians  visited  me,  and 
brought  me,  daily,  certain  presents — as  fish,  deer,  turkey-cocks, 
leopards,  and  little  bears,  and  other  things,  according  to  the 
place  of  their  habitation.  I  recompensed  them  with  certain 
hatchets,  knives,  beads  of  glass,  combs,  and  looking-glasses. 
Two  Indians  came  unto  me  one  day,  to  salute  me,  on  behalf  of 
their  king,  whose  name  was  MARRACOU,  dwelling  from  the 


280  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  place  of  our  fort  some  forty  leagues  toward  the  south,  and  told 
me  that  there  was  one  in  the  house  of  King  ONATHAQUA, 
which  was  called  BARBU,  or  the  bearded  man;  and,  in  the 
house  of  King  MATHIACA,  another  man,  whose  name  they 
knew  not,  which  was  not  of  their  nation ;  whereupon,  I  con 
ceived  that  these  might  be  some  Christians.  Wherefore,  I  sent 
to  all  the  kings,  my  neighbors,  to  pray  them,  that,  if  there  were 
any  Christians  dwelling  in  their  countries,  they  would  find 
means  that  he  might  be  brought  unto  me ;  and  that  I  would 
make  them  double  recompense.  They,  which  love  rewards, 
took  so  much  pains,  that  the  two  men  whereof  we  have  spoken, 
were  brought  unto  the  fort  unto  me.  They  were  naked,  wear 
ing  their  hair  long  unto  their  hams,  as  the  savages  used  to  do, 
and  were  Spaniards  born ;  yet,  so  well  accustomed  to  the  fashion 
of  the  country,  that,  at  the  first  sight,  they  found  our  manner 
of  apparel  strange.  After  that  I  had  question  of  certain  matters 
with  them,  I  caused  them  to  be  appareled,  and  to  cut  their  hair, 
which  they  would  not  loose,  but  lapped  it  up  in  a  linen  cloth, 
saying,  that  they  would  carry  it  into  their  country,  to  be  a  testi 
mony  of  the  misery  that  they  had  endured  in  the  Indies.  In 
the  hair  of  one  of  them  was  found  a  little  gold  hidden,  to  the 
value  of  five-and-twenty  crowns,  which  he  gave  unto  me. 
And,  examining  them  of  the  places  where  they  had  been,  and 
how  they  came  thither,  they  answered  me,  that,  fifteen  years 
past,  three  ships,  in  one  of  which  they  were,  were  cast  away 
over  against  a  place,  named  Calos,*  upon  the  flats,  which  are 


*  «'  This  word,"  says  BRINTON,   "  is  still  preserved  in  the  Seminole  appellation  of  the 
Sanybal  River  (Ca/oosa-HatcAic),  and   in  that  of  the  Bay  of  Carlos,  corrupted  by  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA,  28l 

called  The  Martyrs,  and  that  the  King  of  Calos*  recovered  the  I  564. 
greatest  part  of  the  riches  which  were  in  the  said  ships;  travel 
ling  in  such  sort,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  were  saved, 
and  many  women,  among  which  number  there  were  three  or 
four  married  women,  remaining  there  yet,  and  their  children 
also,  with  this  King  of  Calos.  I  desired  to  learn  what  this  king 
was;  they  answered  me,  that  he  was  the  goodliest  and  the 
tallest  Indian  of  the  country,  a  mighty  man,  a  warrior,  and 
having  many  subjects  under  his  obedience.  They  told  me, 
moreover,  that  he  had  great  store  of  gold  and  silver,  so  far  forth ; 
that,  in  a  certain  village,  he  had  a  pit-full  thereof,  which  was, 
at  the  least,  as  high  as  a  man,  and  as  large  as  a  ton,  all  which 
wealth  the  Spaniards  fully  persuaded  themselves  that  they  could 
cause  me  to  recover,  if  I  were  able  to  march  thither  with  a 
hundred  shot,  besides  that  which  I  might  get  of  the  common 
people  of  the  country,  which  had  also  great  store  thereof. 
They  further,  also,  advertised  me,  that  the  women,  going  to 
dance,  did  wear,  about  their  girdles,  plates  of  gold  as  broad  as  a 
saucer,  and,  in  such  number,  that  the  weight  did  hinder  them 
to  dance  at  their  ease,  and  that  the  men  wear  the  like  also. 
The  greatest  part  of  these  riches  was  had,  as  they  said,  out  of 
the  Spanish  ships,  which,  commonly,  were  cast  away  in  this 
strait;  and  the  rest,  by  the  traffic  which  this  King  of  Calos  had 
with  the  other  kings  of  the  country.  Finally,  that  he  was  had 


English   to  Charlotte   Harbor,  both   on  the  south-western  coast  of  the  Peninsula,   near 
north  latitude  twenty-six  degrees  forty  minutes." 

*  "Ce  Calos  ou  Callos  sont  anthropophages,  et  fort  cruel,  ils  demeurent  dans  une  baye 
qu'il  porte  egalement  leur  nom  et  celui  de  Ponce  de  Leon." — CHARLEVOIX. 

36 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  in  great  reverence  of  his  subjects,  and  that  he  made  them 
believe  that  his  sorceries  and  charms  were  the  causes  that  made 
the  earth  bring  forth  her  fruit ;  and,  that  he  might  the  easier 
persuade  them  that  it  was  so,  he  retired  himself,  once  or  twice  a 
year,  to  a  certain  house,  accompanied  with  two  or  three  of  his 
most  familiar  friends,  where  he  used  certain  enchantments ;  and, 
if  any  man  intruded  himself  to  go  to  see  what  they  did  in  this 
place,  the  king,  immediately,  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death. 

Moreover,  they  told  me,  that,  every  year,  in  the  time  of 
harvest,  this  savage  king  sacrificed  one  man,  which  was  kept 
expressly  for  this  purpose,  and  taken  out  of  the  number  of  the 
Spaniards,  which,  by  tempest,  were  cast  alway  upon  that  coast. 
One  of  these  two  declared  unto  me,  that  he  had  served  him  a 
long  time  for  a  messenger,  and  that,  oftentimes,  by  his  com 
mandment,  he  had  visited  a  king,  named  ONATHAQUA,  distant 
from  Calos  four  or  five  days'  journey,  which  always  remained  his 
faithful  friend;  but  that,  in  the  midway,  there  was  an  island, 
situate  in  a  great  lake  of  fresh  water,  named  Sarrope,*  about 
five  leagues  in  bigness,  abounding  with  many  sorts  of  fruits, 
especially  in  dates,  which  grow  on  the  palm  trees,  whereof  they 
make  a  wonderful  traffic;  yet  not  so  great  as  of  a  kind  of  root 
whereof  they  make  a  kind  of  meal,  so  good  to  make  bread  of, 
that  it  is  impossible  to  eat  better;  and  that,  for  fifteen  leagues 
about,  all  the  country  is  fed  therewith,  which  is  the  cause  that 
the  inhabitants  gain  of  their  neighbors  great  wealth  and  profit, 
for  they  will  not  part  with  this  root  without  they  be  well  paid 


*  Supposed  to  be  Lake  Wart,  in  Marion  County. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


283 


for  it.  Besides  that,  they  are  taken  for  the  most  warlike  men 
of  all  that  country,  as  they  made  good  proof  when  the  King  of 
Calos,  having  made  alliance  with  ONATHAQUA,  was  deprived 
of  ONATHAQUA'S  daughter,  which  he  had  promised  to  him  in 
marriage. 

He  told  me  the  whole  matter,  in  this  sort:  As  ONATHAQUA, 
well  accompanied  with  his  people,  carried  one  of  his  daughters, 
exceeding  beautiful,  according  to  the  color  of  the  country,  unto 
King  CALOS,  to  give  her  unto  him  for  his  wife,  the  inhabitants 
of  this  isle,  advertised  of  the  matter,  laid  an  ambush  for  him  in 
a  place  where  he  should  pass,  and  so  behaved  themselves,  that 
ONATHAQUA  was  discomfited,  the  betrothed  young  spouse 
taken,  and  all  the  damsels  that  accompanied  her,  which  they 
carried  within  the  isle,  which  thing,  in  all  the  Indian's  country, 
they  esteem  to  be  the  greatest  victory;  for,  afterward,  they 
marry  these  virgins,  and  love  them  above  all  measure.  The 
Spaniards  that  made  this  relation  told  me,  that,  after  this  defeat, 
he  went  to  dwell  with  ONATHAQUA,  and  had  been  with  him 
full  eight  years,  even  until  the  time  that  he  was  sent  unto  me. 
The  place  of  Calos  is  situated  upon  a  river,  which  is  beyond  the 
Cape  of  Florida,  forty  or  fifty  leagues  toward  the  south-west  ; 
and  the  dwelling  of  ONATHAQUA  is  on  this  side  of  the  cape, 
toward  the  north,  in  a  place  which  we  call,  in  the  chart,  CAN- 
NAVERAL,  which  is  in  twenty-eight  degrees. 


284 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XII. 


1564.          ^Sl^SlP^i  BOUT  the  25th   of  January,   Paracoussf 

K^^^^MBP®^%ffl?:  JK 

SATOURIOUA,  my  neighbor,  sent  me  cer 
tain  presents,  by  two  of  his  subjects, 
to  persuade  me  to  join  with  him,  and 
to  make  war  upon  OUAE  UTINA,  which 

was  my  friend :  and  further  sought  me  to  retire  certain  of 
my  men,  which  were  with  UTINA — for  whom,  if  it  had  not 
been,  he  had  oftentimes  set  upon  him,  and  defeated  him.  He 
besought  me,  herein,  by  divers  other  kings,  his  allies,  which, 
for  three  weeks  or  a  month's  space,  sent  messengers  unto  me, 
to  this  end  and  purpose  ;  but  I  would  not  grant  unto  them  that 
they  should  make  war  upon  him :  yea,  rather  contrariwise,  I 
endeavored  to  make  them  friends;  wherein  they  condescended 
unto  me,  so  far  forth,  that  they  were  content  to  allow  of  any 
thing  that  I  would  set  down ;  whereupon,  the  two  Spaniards — 
which,  of  long  time,  knew  well  the  nature  of  the  Indians — 


*  "  Amoug  the  Ca/oosas,  the  paracoussy,  or  king,  was  considered  of  divine  nature, 
and  believed  to  have  the  power  to  grant  or  withhold  seasons  favorable  to  the  crops, 
and  fortune  in  the  chase.  In  war,  the  paracoussy  led  the  van — and,  in  peace,  sat  in 
the  council  house  to  receive  the  homage  of  his  inferiors,  and  advise  with  his  coun 
selors  on  points  of  national  interest." — BRINTON'S  Notes  on  Florida. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  285 

warned  me  that,  in  any  case,  I  should  not  trust  unto  them  ; 
because  that,  when  they  showed  good  countenance,  and  the 
best  cheer  unto  men,  then  was  the  time  that  they  would 
surprise  and  betray  them  ;  and  that,  of  their  nature,  they  were 
the  greatest  traitors,  and  most  deep  dissemblers  of  the  world. 
Besides,  I  never  trusted  them  but  upon  good  ground,  as  one 
that  had  discovered  a  thousand  of  their  crafts  and  subtleties,  as 
well  by  experience  as  by  reading  of  the  histories  of  late  years. 

Our  two  barks  were  not  so  soon  finished,  but  I  sent  Captain 
VASSEUR  to  discover — along  the  coast  lying  toward  the  north, 
and  commanded  him  to  sail  unto  a  river,  the  king  whereof  was 
called  AUDUSTA,  which  was  lord  of  that  place — where  those  of 
the  year  1562  inhabited.  I  sent  him  two  suits  of  apparel,  with 
certain  hatchets,  knives,  and  other  small  trifles,  the  better  to 
insinuate  myself  into  his  friendship.  And,  the  better  to  win 
him,  I  sent  in  the  bark,  with  Captain  VASSEUR,  a  soldier,  called 
AIMON,  which  was  one  of  them  which  returned  home  in  the 
first  voyage,  hoping  that  King  AUDUSTA  might  remember 
him.  But,  before  they  were  embarked,  I  commanded  them  to 
make  inquiry  what  was  become  of  another,  called  ROUFFI, 
which  remained  alone  in  those  parts,  when  NICHOLAS  MASON, 
and  those  of  the  first  voyage,  embarked  themselves  to  return 
into  France.  They  understood,  at  their  arrival  there,  that  a 
bark,  passing  that  way,  had  carried  away  the  same  soldier;  and, 
afterward,  I  knew,  for  a  certainty,  that  they  were  Spaniards 
which  had  carried  him  to  Havana.  The  King  AUDUSTA  sent 
me  back  my  bark  full  of  mill,  with  a  certain  quantity  of  beans, 
two  stags,  some  skins  (painted  after  their  manner),  and  certain 


286  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  pearls,  of  small  value,  because  they  were  burnt;  and  sent  me 
word,  that,  if  I  would  dwell  in  his  quarters,  he  would  give  me 
a  great  country,  and  that,  after  he  had  gathered  his  mill,  he 
would  spare  me  as  much  as  I  would  have.  In  the  meanwhile, 
there  came  unto  our  fort  a  flock  of  stock-doves,  in  so  great 
number,  and  that  for  the  space  of  seven  weeks  together,  that, 
every  day,  we  killed,  with  harquebuse-shot,  two  hundred  in 
the  woods  about  our  fort.  After  that  Captain  VASSEUR  was 
returned,  I  caused  the  two  barks  to  be  furnished  again  with 
soldiers  and  mariners,  and  sent  them  to  carry  a  present  from  me 
unto  the  widow  of  HIOCAIA,  whose  dwelling  was  distant  from 
our  fort  about  twelve  leagues  northward.  She  courteously 
received  our  men,  sent  me  back  my  barks  full  of  mill  and 
acorns,  with  certain  baskets-full  of  the  leaves  of  cassine,  where 
with  they  make  their  drink.  And  the  place  where  this  widow 
dwelleth,  is  the  most  plentiful  of  mill  that  is  in  all  the  coast,  and 
the  most  pleasant.  It  is  thought  that  the  queen  is  the  most 
beautiful  of  all  the  Indians,  and  of  whom  they  make  most 
account ;  yea,  and  her  subjects  honor  her  so  much,  that  always 
continually  they  bear  her  on  their  shoulders,  and  will  not  suffer 
her  to  go  on  foot.  Within  a  few  days  after  the  return  of  my 
barks,  she  sent  to  visit  me  by  her  biatiqui^  which  is  as  much  as 
to  say,  as  her  interpreter.  Now,  while  I  thought  I  was  furnished 
with  victuals  until  the  time  that  our  ships  might  come  out  of 
France  (for  fear  of  keeping  my  people  idle),  I  sent  my  two' 
barks  to  discover,  along  the  river,  and  up  toward  the  head, 
thereof,  which  went  so  far  up  that  they  were  thirty  leagues  good 
beyond  a  place,  named  Matkiaqua;  and  there  they  discovered 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

the  entrance   of  a   lake,   upon    the   one  side,    whereof  no  land       1564. 

could   be   seen,  according   to   the   report  of  the   Indians,  which 

had,  oftentimes,  climbed  on  the  highest  trees  in  the  country  to 

see    land,  and,   notwithstanding,   could   not    discern  any,  which 

was  the  cause  that  my  men  went  no  further,  but  returned  back; 

and,  in  coming  home,  went  to  see  the  Island  of  Edelano,  situated 

in  the  midst  of  the  river — as  fair  a  place  as  any   that  may   be 

seen  through  the  world ;  for,  in  the  space  of  some  three  leagues 

(that  it  may  contain  in  length  and  breadth),  a  man  may  see  an 

exceedingly   rich    country,   and    marvelously    peopled.       At    the 

coming  out  of  the  village  of  Edelano,  to  go  unto  the  river's  side, 

a  man  must  pass  through  an  alley,  about  three  hundred  paces 

long  and  fifty  paces  broad,  on  both  sides,  whereof,  great  trees 

are  planted,  the  boughs,  whereof,  are  tied  together  like  an  arch, 

and   meet  together,   so  artificially,   that  a  man   would  think   it 

were  an   arbor,   made  of  purpose,  as   fair,  I  say,  as  any  in  all 

Christendom,  although  it  be  all  natural. 

Our  men,  departing  from  this  place,  rowed  to  Eneguape,  then 
to  Chilily,  from  thence  to  Patica;  and,  lastly,  they  came  unto 
Goya — where,  leaving  their  barks,  in  a  little  creek  of  the  river, 
with  men  to  guard  them,  they  went  to  visit  UTINA,  which 
received  them  very  courteously ;  and,  when  they  departed  from 
his  house,  he  entreated  them  so  earnestly,  that  six  of  my  men 
remained  with  him — of  which  number  there  was  one  gentle 
man,  named  GROUTALD,  which,  after  he  had  abode  there  about 
two  months,  and  taken  great  pains  to  discover  the  country,  with 
another  which  I  had  left  a  great  while  there  to  that  intent,  came 
unto  me  to  the  fort,  and  told  me  that  he  never  saw  a  fairer 


288  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  country.  Among  other  things,  he  reported  unto  me,  that  he  had 
seen  a  place,  named  Hostaqua  :  and  that  the  king,  thereof,  was 
so  mighty,  that  he  was  able  to  bring  three  or  four  thousand 
savages  to  the  field  ;  with  whom,  if  I  would  join,  and  enter 
into  league,  we  might  be  able  to  reduce  all  the  rest  of  the 
inhabitants  unto  our  obedience.  Besides,  that  this  king  knew 
the  passages  unto  the  mountain  of  Apalatci,  which  the  French 
men  desired  so  greatly  to  attain  unto,  and  where  the  enemy 
of  HOSTAQUA  made  his  abode,  which  was  easy  to  be  subdued, 
if  so  be  we  would  enter  into  league  together.  The  king  sent 
me  a  plate  of  a  mineral  that  came  out  of  this  mountain — out 
of  the  foot,  whereof,  there  runneth  a  stream  of  gold  or  copper 
(as  the  savages  think),  out  of  which  they  dig  up  the  sand, 
with  an  hollow  and  dry  cane  or  reed,  until  the  cane  be  full ; 
afterward  they  shake  it,  and  find  that  there  are  many  small 
grains  of  copper  and  silver  among  this  sand,  which  giveth  them 
to  understand  that  some  rich  mine  must  needs  be  in  the  moun 
tain  ;  and,  because  the  mountain  was  not  past  five  or  six  days' 
journey  from  our  fort,  lying  toward  the  north-west,  I  deter 
mined,  as  soon  as  our  supply  should  come  out  of  France,  to 
remove  our  habitation  unto  some  river  more  toward  the  north, 
that  I  might  be  nearer  thereunto. 

One  of  my  soldiers,  whose  name  was  PETER  GAMBY,  which 
had  remained  a  long  space  before  in  this  country,  to  learn  the 
language  and  traffic  with  the  Indians,  at  the  last,  came  to  the 
village  of  Edelano,  where,  having  gotten  together  a  certain 
quantity  of  gold  and  silver,  and  purposing  to  return  unto  me, 
he  prayed  the  king  of  the  village  to  lend  him  a  canoe  (which 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


289 


is  a  vessel  made  of  one  whole  piece  of  wood,  which  the  Indians 
used  to  fish,  withal,  and  to  row  upon  the  rivers),  which  this  lord 
of  Edelano  granted  him.  But,  being  greedy  of  the  riches  which 
he  had,  he  commanded  two  Indians,  which  he  had  charged  to 
conduct  him  in  the  canoe,  to  murder  him,  and  bring  him 
the  merchandise  and  the  gold  which  he  had — which  the  two 
traitors  villainously  executed;  for  they  knocked  him  on  the 
head  with  an  hatchet,  as  he  was  blowing  the  fire,  in  the 
canoe,  to  seethe  fish. 


37 


290 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XIII. 


1  $64-  SSSBBSHI  H  E   Paracoussy  UTINA   sent,   certain   days 

afterward,  to  pray  me  to  lend  him  a  dozen 
or  fifteen  of  my  shot  to  invade  his  enemy, 
POTANOU ;  and  sent  me  word,  that,  this 
enemy  once  vanquished,  he  would  make 

me  passage;  yea,  and  would  conduct  me  unto  the  mountains, 
in  such  sort,  that  no  man  should  be  able  to  hinder  me.  Then 
I  assembled  my  men  to  demand  their  advice,  as  I  was  wont  to 
do  in  all  mine  enterprises.  The  greater  part  was  of  opinion  that 
I  should  do  well  to  send  succor  unto  this  paracoussy ;  because 
it  would  be  hard  for  me  to  discover  any  further  up  into  the 
country  without  his  help,  and  that  the  Spaniards,  when  they 
were  employed  in  their  conquests,  did  always  enter  into  alliance 
with  some  one  king  to  ruin  another.  Notwithstanding,  because 
I  did  always  mistrust  the  Indians,  and  that  the  more  after  the 
last  advertisement  that  the  Spaniards  had  given  me,  I  doubted 
lest  the  small  number  which  UTINA  demanded  might  incur 
some  danger,  wherefore  I  sent  him  thirty  shot,  under  the  charge 
of  Lieutenant  OTTIGNI,  which  staid  not  above  two  days  with 
UTINA,  while  he  prepared  victuals  for  his  voyage,  which, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


291 


ordinarily,  and,  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country,  are  1564. 
carried  by  women  and  young  boys,  and  by  hermaphrodites. 
UTINA,  setting  forward  with  three  hundred  of  his  subjects, 
having,  each  of  them,  their  bow  and  quiver  full  of  arrows, 
caused  our  thirty  shot  to  be  placed  in  the  forward,  and  made 
them  march  all  the  day,  until  that,  the  night  approaching,  and 
having  not  gone  past  half  the  way,  they  were  enforced  to  lie 
all  night  in  the  woods,  near  a  great  lake,  and  there  to  encamp 
themselves.  They  separated  themselves  by  six  and  six,  making, 
each  of  them,  a  fire  about  the  place  where  their  king  lay,  for 
whose  guard  they  opened  a  certain  number  of  those  archers  in 
whom  he  put  most  confidence.  As  soon  as  day  was  come,  the 
camp  of  the  Indians  marched  within  three  leagues  of  POTANOU  ; 
there,  King  UTINA  requested  my  lieutenant  to  grant  him  four 
or  five  of  his  men  to  go  and  discover  the  country,  which 
departed  immediately,  and  had  not  gone  far  but  they  perceived, 
upon  a  lake,  distant  about  three  leagues  from  the  village  of 
POTANOU,  three  Indians,  which  fished  in  a  canoe.  Now,  the 
custom  is,  that,  when  they  fish  in  this  lake,  they  have  always 
a  company  of  watchmen,  armed  with  bows  and  arrows,  to 
guard  the  fishers.  Our  men  being,  hereof,  advertised  by  those 
of  the  company,  durst  not  pass  any  further,  for  fear  of  falling 
into  some  ambush,  wherefore,  they  returned  towards  UTINA, 
which  suddenly  sent  them  back,  with  a  greater  company,  to 
surprise  the  fishers  before  they  might  retire  and  advertise  their 
king  (POTANOU)  of  the  coming  of  his  enemies,  which  they 
could  not  execute  so  politely,  but  that  two  of  them  escaped  ; 
the  third,  also,  did  the  best  he  could  to  save  himself  by  swim- 


2Q2  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  mtng,  in  which,  meanwhile,  he  was  slain  with  shot  of  arrows; 
and  they  drew  him  back,  stark  dead,  unto  the  bank-side,  where 
our  Indians  flayed  off  the  skin  of  his  head,  and  cut  off  both  his 
arms,  in  the  highway,  reserving  his  hair  for  the  triumph,  which 
their  king  hoped  to  make,  for  the  defeat  of  his  enemy.  UTINA, 
fearing  lest  POTANOU,  advertised  by  the  fishers  which  were 
escaped,  should  put  himself  in  arms  to  withstand  him  valiantly, 
asked  counsel  of  his  lawa  (which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  in  their 
language,  as  his  magician),  whether  it  were  best  to  go  any 
further;  then  this  magician  made  certain  signs,  hideous  and 
fearful  to  behold,  and  used  certain  words ;  which,  being  ended, 
he  said  unto  his  king,  that  it  was  not  best  to  pass  any  further, 
and  that  POTANOU,  accompanied  with  two  thousand  Indians,  at 
the  least,  staid  in  such  and  such  a  place  for  him,  to  bid  him 
battle  ;  and,  besides  this,  that  all  the  said  Indians  were  furnished 
with  cords  to  bind  the  prisoners,  which  they  made  full  account 
to  take. 

This  relation  caused  UTINA  to  be  unwilling  to  pass  any 
further ;  whereupon  my  lieutenant,  being  as  angry  as  ever  he 
might  be,  because  he  had  taken  so  great  pains,  without  doing 
anything  of  account,  said  unto  him,  that  he  would  never  think 
well  of  him,  nor  of  his  people,  if  he  would  not  hazard  himself; 
and  that,  if  he  would  not  do  it,  at  the  least,  that  he  would  give 
him  a  guide  to  conduct  him  and  his  small  company  to  the  place 
where  the  enemies  were  encamped.  Hereupon  UTINA  was 
ashamed,  and,  seeing  the  good  affection  of  M.  DE  OTTIGNI, 
determined  to  go  forward,  and  he  failed  not  to  find  his  enemies 
in  the  very  place  which  the  magician  had  named,  where  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


293 


skirmish  began,  which  lasted  three  long  hours;  wherein,  with-  1564. 
out  doubt,  UTINA  had  been  defeated,  unless  our  harquebuses 
had  not  borne  the  burthen  and  brunt  of  all  the  battle,  and  slain 
a  great  number  of  the  soldiers  of  POTANOU,  upon  which  occa 
sion  they  were  put  to  flight.  Wherewithal,  UTINA,  being 
content,  for  the  present,  caused  his  people  to  retire,  and  return 
homeward,  to  the  great  discontentment  of  M.  DE  OTTIGNI, 
which  desired  nothing  more  than  to  pursue  his  victory.  After 
he  was  come  home  to  his  house,  he  sent  messengers  to  eighteen 
or  twenty  villages  of  other  kings  (his  vassals),  and  summoned 
them  to  be  present  at  the  feasts  and  dances,  which  he  purposed 
to  celebrate,  because  of  his  victory.  In  the  meanwhile,  M.  DE 
OTTIGNI  refreshed  himself  for  two  days,  and  then,  taking  his 
leave  of  the  paracoussy^  and  leaving  twelve  of  his  men  to  see 
that  POTANOU,  bethinking  himself  of  his  late  loss,  should  come 
to  burn  the  houses  of  UTINA,  he  set  forward  on  his  way  to 
come  unto  me,  unto  our  fort,  where  he  up  and  told  me  how 
everything  had  passed;  and,  withal,  that  he  had  promised  the 
twelve  soldiers  that  he  would  come  back  again  to  fetch  them. 
Then  the  kings,  my  neighbors,  all  enemies  to  UTINA,  being 
advertised  of  the  return  of  my  lieutenant,  came  to  visit  me, 
with  presents,  and  to  inquire  how  things  had  passed,  praying 
me,  all,  to  receive  them  into  my  favor,  and  to  become  enemy  to 
UTINA;  which,  notwithstanding,  I  would  not  grant  them,  for 
many  reasons  that  moved  me. 

The  Indians  are  wont  to  leave  their  houses,  and  to  retire 
themselves  into  the  woods,  the  space  of  three  months,  to  wit : 
January,  February,  and  March,  during  which  time,  by  no 


2Q4  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  means,  a  man  can  see  one  Indian;  for,  when  they  go  on 
hunting,  they  make  little  cottages  in  the  woods,  whereunto 
they  retire  themselves,  living  upon  that  which  they  take  in 
hunting.  This  was  the  cause  that,  during  this  time,  we  could 
get  no  victuals  by  their  means ;  and,  had  it  not  been  that  I  had 
made  good  provision,  thereof,  while  my  men  had  store,  until 
the  end  of  April  (which  was  the  time  when,  at  the  uttermost, 
we  hoped  to  have  had  succor  out  of  France),  I  should  have 
been  greatly  amazed.  This  hope  was  the  cause  that  the 
soldiers  took  no  great  care  to  look  well  unto  their  victuals, 
although  I  divided,  equally  among  them,  that  which  I  could 
get  abroad  in  the  country,  without  reserving  unto  myself  any 
more  than  the  least  soldier  of  all  the  company.  The  month 
of  May  approaching,  and  no  manner  of  succor  come  out  of 
France,  we  fell  into  extreme  want  of  victuals — constrained  to 
eat  the  roots  of  the  earth,  and  certain  sorrel,  which  we  found 
in  the  fields ;  for,  although  the  savages  were  returned  by  this 
time  into  their  villages,  yet  they  succored  us  with  nothing 
but  certain  fish,  without  which,  assuredly,  we  had  perished  with 
famine.  Besides,  they  had  given  us,  before,  the  greatest  part  of 
their  maize,  and  of  their  beans,  for  our  merchandise.  This 
famine  held  us  from  the  beginning  of  May  until  the  midst  of 
June,  during  which  time  the  poor  soldiers  and  handicraftsmen 
became  as  feeble  as  might  be,  and,  being  not  able  to  work,  did 
nothing  but  go,  one  after  another,  in  sentinel,  unto  the  cliff  of 
an  hill,  situate  very  near  unto  the  fort,  to  see  if  they  might 
discover  any  French  ship.  In  fine,  being  frustrated  of  their 
hope,  they  assembled,  all  together,  and  came  to  beseech  me  to 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


295 


take  some  order  that  they  might  return  unto  France,  consider- 
ing  that,  if  we  let  pass  the  season  to  embark  ourselves,  we  were 
never  like  to  see  our  country  ;  where  it  could  not  be  chosen 
but  that  some  troubles  were  fallen  out,  seeing  they  had  broken 
their  promise  made  unto  us,  and  that  no  succor  was  come  from 
thence.  Thereupon,  it  was  consulted  and  resolved,  by  all  the 
company,  that  the  bark  Breton  should  be  trimmed  up,  whereof 
Captain  VASSEUR  had  charge.  But,  because  the  ship  was  not 
big  enough  to  receive  us  all,  some  thought  good  to  build  the 
brigantine  two  decks  higher,  which  our  mutinous  soldiers  had 
brought  back,  and  that  twenty-five  men  should  hazard  them 
selves,  to  pass  therein,  into  France;  the  rest,  being  better 
advised,  said,  that  it  should  be  far  better  to  build  a  fair  ship, 
upon  the  keel  of  the  galiot  which  I  had  caused  to  be  made, 
promising  to  labor  courageously  thereupon.  Then  I  inquired 
of  my  shipwrights  to  know  in  what  space  they  could  make  this 
ship  ready.  They  assured  the  whole  company,  that,  being  fur 
nished  with  all  things  necessary,  they  would  make  it  ready  by 
the  8th  of  August.  Immediately,  I  disposed  of  the  time  to 
work  upon  it.  I  gave  charge  to  M.  DE  OTTIGNI,  my  lieuten 
ant,  to  cause  timber,  necessary  for  the  finishing  of  both  the 
vessels,  to  be  brought;  and,  to  M.  DE  ARLAC,  my  standard- 
bearer,  to  go  with  a  bark,  a  league  off  from  the  fort,  to  cut 
down  trees,  fit  to  make  planks,  and  to  cause  the  sawyers, 
which  he  carried  with  him,  to  saw  them  ;  and,  to  my  serjeant 
of  the  company,  to  cause  fifteen  or  sixteen  men  to  labor,  in 
making  coal;  and,  to  Master  HANCE,  keeper  of  the  artillery, 
and,  to  the  gunner,  to  gather  store  of  rosin  to  bray  the  ves- 


296 


HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  sels ;  wherein  he  used  such  diligence,  that,  in  less  than  three 
weeks,  he  gathered  two  hogsheads  of  the  same  together.  There 
remained,  now,  but  the  principal,  which  was  to  recover  victuals 
to  sustain  us  while  our  work  endured,  which  I  undertook  to 
do,  with  the  rest  of  my  company,  and  the  mariners  of  the  ship. 
To  this  end,  I  embarked  myself,  making  up  the  thirtieth,  in 
my  great  bark,  to  make  a  voyage  of  forty  or  fifty  leagues, 
having  with  us  no  provision  at  all  of  victuals,  whereby,  it  may 
easily  be  gathered,  how  simply  those  of  our  fort  were  provided. 
True  it  is,  that  certain  soldiers,  being  better  husbands  than 
the  rest,  and  having  made  some  provision  of  mast,  sold  a  little 
measure,  thereof,  for  fifteen  or  twenty  sous^  unto  their  com 
panions.  During  our  voyage,  we  lived  on  nothing  else  but 
raspices^  of  a  certain  round  grain,  little  and  black,  and  of  the 
roots  of  palmettos,  which  we  got  by  the  river  sides ;  wherein, 
after  we  had  sailed  a  long  time,  in  vain,  I  was  constrained  to 
return  unto  the  fort,  where  the  soldiers,  beginning  to  be  weary 
of  working,  because  of  the  extreme  famine  which  did  consume 
them,  assembled  themselves,  and  declared  unto  me  that,  seeing 
they  could  get  no  victuals  of  the  Indians,  it  was  expedient,  for 
the  saving  of  their  lives,  to  seize  upon  the  person  of  one  of  the 
kings  of  the  country,  assuring  themselves  that,  one  being  taken, 
the  subjects  would  not  suffer  our  men  to  want  victuals. 

I  made  them  answer,  that  this  enterprise  was  not  rashly  to 
be  attempted  ;  but  that  we  ought  to  have  good  regard  unto  the 
consequence  that  might  issue  thereof.  Hereupon,  they  replied 
unto  me,  that,  seeing  the  time  was  past  of  our  succor  from 
France,  and  that  we  were  resolved  to  abandon  the  country,  and 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


297 


that  there  was  no  danger  to  constrain  the  savages  to  furnish  us 
with  victuals  ;  which,  for  the  present,  I  would  not  grant  unto 
them,  but  promised  them,  assuredly,  that  I  would  send  to 
advertise  the  Indians  that  they  should  bring  me  victuals  for 
exchange  of  merchandise  and  apparel  ;  which  they  also  did, 
for  the  space  of  certain  days,  during  which  they  brought  of  their 
mast,  and  of  their  fish  ;  which,  these  Indians  being  traitorous, 
and  mischievous  of  nature,  and,  knowing  our  exceeding  strange 
famine,  sold  us  at  so  dear  a  price,  that,  for  less  than  nothing, 
they  had  gotten  from  us  all  the  rest  of  our  merchandise  which 
remained.  And,  which  was  worse,  fearing  to  be  forced  by 
us,  and,  seeing  that  they  had  gotten  away  all  from  us,  they 
came  no  nearer  to  our  fort  than  the  shot  of  an  harquebuse. 
Thither  they  brought  their  fish,  in  their  little  boats  ;  to  which 
our  poor  soldiers  were  constrained  to  go  ;  and,  oftentimes,  as  I 
have  seen,  to  give  away  the  very  shirts  from  their  backs  to  get 
one  fish.  If,  at  any  time,  they  showed  unto  the  savages  the 
excessive  price  which  they  took,  these  villians  would  answer 
them  roughly  and  churlishly;  "if  thou  make  so  great  account 
of  thy  merchandise,  eat  it,  and  we  will  eat  our  fish."  Then 
fell  they  out  a-laughing,  and  mocked  us  with  open  throat. 
Whereupon  our  soldiers,  becoming  utterly  impatient,  were  often 
times  ready  to  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  to  make  them  pay  the 
price  of  their  foolish  arrogance.  Notwithstanding,  considering 
the  importance,  hereof,  I  took  pains  to  appease  the  impatient 
soldiers  ;  for  I  would  not,  by  any  m'eans,  enter  into  question 
with  the  savages,  and  it  sufficed  me  to  delay  the  time.  Where 
fore,  I  devised  to  send  unto  UTINA,  to  pray  him  to  deal,  so  far 

38 


298  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

564.  forth,  with  his  subjects,  as  to  succor  me  with  mast  and  maize  ; 
which  he  did,  very  sparingly,  sending  me  twelve  or  fifteen 
baskets  of  mast,  and  two  of  pinocks,  which  are  a  kind  of  little 
green  fruit,  which  grow  among  the  weeds,  in  the  river,  and 
are  as  big  as  cherries.  Yea,  and  this  was  not  but  by  giving  in 
exchange  twice  as  much  merchandise  and  apparel  as  they  were 
worth ;  for  the  subjects  of  UTINA  perceived,  evidently,  the 
necessity  wherein  we  were,  and  began  to  use  the  like  speech 
unto  us,  as  the  others  did,  as  it  is  commonly  seen  that  need 
altereth  men's  affections. 

While  these  things  were  in  doing,  a  certain  breathing-space 
presented  itself;  for  UTINA  gave  me  to  understand  that  there 
was  a  king,  his  subject,  whose  name  was  ASTINA,  which  he 
determined  to  take  prisoner,  and  to  chastise  him  for  his  dis 
obedience;  that,  for  this  cause,  if  I  would  give  him  aid,  with 
a  certain  number  of  my  soldiers,  he  would  bring  them  to  the 
village  of  ASTINA,  where  there  was  means  to  recover  mast  and 
maize.  In  the  mean  season,  he  excused  himself  unto  me, 
because  he  had  sent  me  no  more  maize,  and  sent  me  word 
that  the  little  store  that  he  had  left  was  scarcely  sufficient  for 
his  seed-corn.  Now,  being  somewhat  relieved,  as  I  thought, 
by  the  hope  which  I  had  of  this  offer,  I  would  not  fail  to  send 
him  the  men  which  he  desired  of  me,  which,  nevertheless,  were 
very  evil  entreated ;  for  he  deceived  them,  and,  instead  of 
leading  them  against  ASTINA,  he  caused  them  to  march  against 
his  other  enemies.  My  .lieutenant,  which  had  charge  of  this 
enterprise,  with  Captain  VASSEUR  and  my  serjeant,  was  deter 
mined  to  be  revenged  of  UTINA,  and  to  cut  him  in  pieces,  and 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


299 


his  people;  and,  had  it  not  been  that  they  feared  to  do  any-  1564. 
thing  against  my  will,  without  all  doubt  they  would  have  put 
their  enterprise  into  execution.  Therefore,  they  would  not 
pass  any  further  without  advertising  me  thereof.  Wherefore, 
being  come  back  again  into  the  fort,  angry,  and  pricked  deeply 
to  the  quick  for  being  so  mocked,  they  made  their  complaints 
unto  me,  declaring  unto  me  that  they  were  almost  dead  for 
hunger.  While  they  told  the  whole  matter  to  the  rest  of  the 
soldiers,  which  were  very  glad  that  they  had  not  entered  into 
that  action,  and  resolved,  assembling  themselves  again  together, 
to  let  me  understand  that  they  did  persist  in  their  first  delibera 
tion,  which  was,  to  punish  the  boldness  and  maliciousness  of 
the  savages,  which  they  could  no  longer  endure,  and  were 
determined  to  take  one  of  their  kings  prisoner ;  which  thing  I 
was  enforced  to  grant  unto  them,  to  the  end — to  avoid  a  greater 
mischief,  and  the  sedition  which,  I  foresaw,  would  ensue,  if  I 
had  made  refusal  thereof;  for,  said  they,  what  occasion  have 
you  to  deny  us,  considering  the  necessity  wherein  we  are,  and 
the  small  account  that  they  make  of  us  ?  Shall  it  not  be  law 
ful  for  us  to  punish  them  for  the  wrongs  which  they  have  done 
unto  us?  Besides,  that  we  know,  apparently,  how  little  they 
respect  us,  is  not  this  sufficient,  although  there  were  no  neces 
sity  at  all,  since  they  thus  delude  us,  and  have  broken  promise 
with  us?  After,  therefore,  I  had  resolved  with  them,  to  seize 
on  the  person  of  UTINA,  which,  besides  that  he  had  given  us 
occasion  hereof,  was  also  most  able  to  help  us  to  recover 
victuals,  I  departed,  with  fifty  of  my  best  soldiers,  all  embarked 
in  two  barks,  and  arrived  in  the  dominions  of  UTINA,  distant 


300  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  from  our  fort  about  forty  or  fifty  leagues;  then,  going  on  shore, 
we  drew  towards  his  village,  situated  six  great  leagues  from  the 
river,  where  we  took  him  prisoner — howbeit,  not  without  great 
cries  and  alarms — and  led  him  away  in  our  barks,  having  first 
signified  unto  his  father-in-law,  and  his  chief  subjects,  that,  in 
that  I  had  taken  him,  it  was  not  for  any  desire  that  I  had  to  do 
him  any  harm,  but  only  to  relieve  my  necessities  and  want  of 
victuals,  which  oppressed  me,  and  that,  in  case  they  would  help 
me  to  some,  I  would  find  means  to  set  him  again  at  liberty; 
that,  in  the  mean  space,  I  would  retire  myself  into  my  barks 
(for  I  feared  lest  they  would  there  assemble  themselves  to 
gether,  and  that  some  mischief  might  thereof  ensue),  where  I 
would  stay  for  him  two  days  to  receive  his  answer,  notwith 
standing  that,  my  meaning  was,  not  to  have  anything  without 
exchange  of  merchandise.  This  they  promised  they  would  do; 
and,  in  very  deed,  the  very  same  evening,  his  wife,  accom 
panied  with  all  the  women  of  the  village,  came  unto  the  river's 
brink,  and  cried  unto  me  to  enter  into  the  bark,  to  see  her 
husband  and  her  son,  which  I  held  both  prisoners.  I  dis 
covered,  the  next  day,  five  or  six  hundred  Indian  archers, 
which  drew  near  unto  the  river  side,  and  came  to  me,  to  signify 
unto  me  how  that,  during  the  absence  of  their  king,  their 
enemy,  POTANOU,  being  thereof  advertised,  was  entered  into 
their  village,  and  had  set  all  on  fire.  They  prayed  me  that  I 
would  succor  them  ;  nevertheless,  in  the  meanwhile,  they  had 
one  part  of  their  troop  in  ambush,  with  intent  to  set  upon  me 
if  I  had  come  on  land — which  was  easy  for  me  to  discern;  for, 
seeing  that  I  refused  to  do  so,  they  greatly  doubted  that  they 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ^OI 

were   discovered,  and   sought,  by  all   means,   to   remove  out  of      1564. 
my    mind   that    evil    opinion   which    I    had    conceived  of  them. 
They  brought  me,  therefore,   fish,  in   their  little  boats,  and  of 
their  meal  of  mast  \   they  made,  also,  of  their  drink,  which  they 
called  cassine,  which  they  sent  to  UTINA  and  me. 


302 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XIV. 


1564. 


O  W,  albeit  that  I  had  gotten  this  point 
of  them,  that  I  held  their  king  prisoner, 
yet,  nevertheless,  I  could  not  get  any 
great  quantity  of  victuals,  for  the  present. 
The  reason  was — because  they  thought 
that,  after  I  had  drawn  victuals  from 
them,  I  would  put  their  king  to  death  ;  for  they  measured  my 
will  according  to  their  custom,  whereby  they  put  to  death  all 
the  men-prisoners  that  they  take  in  war.  And  thus,  being  out 
of  all  hope  of  his  liberty,  they  assembled  themselves  in  the 
great  house,  and,  having  called  all  the  people  together,  they 
proposed  the  election  of  a  new  king,  at  which  time  the  father-in- 
law  of  UTINA  set  one  of  the  king's  young  sons  upon  the  royal 
throne,  and  took  such  pains,  that  every  man  did  him  homage 
by  the  major  part  of  the  voices.  This  election  had  like  to  have 
been  the  cause  of  great  troubles  among  them  ;  for  there  was  a 
kinsman  of  the  king,  near  adjoining,  which  pretended  a  title 
to  the  kingdom — and,  indeed,  he  had  gotten  one  part  of  the  sub 
jects.  Notwithstanding  this  enterprise  could  not  take  effect- 
forasmuch,  as  by  a  common  consent  of  the  chiefs,  it  was  con- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  303 

suited  (and  concluded)  that  the  son  was  more  meet  to  succeed  1564. 
the  father  than  any  other.  Now,  all  this  while,  I  kept  UTINA 
with  me,  to  whom  I  had  given  some  of  mine  apparel  to 
clothe  him,  as  I  had  likewise  done  unto  his  son.  But  his  sub 
jects,  which,  before,  had  an  opinion  that  I  would  have  killed 
him,  being  advertised  of  the  good  entertainment  which  I  used 
toward  him,  sent  two  men,  which  walked  along  the  river, 
and  came  to  visit  him,  and  brought  us  some  victuals.  These 
two  men,  at  their  coming,  were  received  by  me  with  all 
courtesy,  and  entertained  according  to  the  victuals  which  I  had. 
While  these  things  passed,  there  arrived,  from  all  quarters,  many 
savages  of  the  country  adjoining,  which  came  to  see  UTINA,  and 
sought,  by  all  means,  to  persuade  me  to  put  him  to  death — 
offering,  that  if  I  would  do  so,  they  would  take  order  that  I 
should  want  no  victuals.  There  was,  also,  a  king,  my  neigh 
bor,  whose  name  was  SATOURIOUA — a  subtle  and  crafty  man, 
and  one  that  showed,  by  proof,  that  he  was  greatly  practised  in 
affairs.  This  king  sent,  ordinarily,  messengers  unto  me,  to 
pray  me  to  deliver  UTINA  unto  him  ;  and,  to  win  me  the  more 
easily,  he  sent,  twice,  seven  or  eight  baskets  of  maize  or  of 
mast,  thinking,  by  this  way,  to  allure  me,  and  to  make  me 
come  to  composition  with  him.  In  the  end,  notwithstanding, 
when  he  saw  he  lost  his  time,  he  ceased  to  visit  me  with 
embassies  and  victuals.  In  the  meanwhile,  I  was  not  able, 
with  the  same  store  of  victuals  which  I  had,  so  well  to  pro 
portion  out  the  travel  upon  the  ships  which  we  built  to  return 
into  France;  but  that,  in  the  end,  we  were  constrained  to 
endure  extreme  famine,  which  continued  among  us  all  the 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  month  of  May,  for,  in  this  latter  season,  neither  maize,  nor 
beans,  nor  mast,  was  to  be  found  in  the  villages,  because  they 
had  employed  all  for  to  sow  their  fields,  insomuch  that  we  were 
constrained  to  eat  roots,  which  the  most  part  of  our  men 
pounded  in  the  morters  (which  I  had  brought  with  me  to  beat 
gunpowder  in),  and  the  grain  which  came  to  us  from  other 
places.  Some  took  the  wood  of  esquine,  beat  it,  and  made 
meal  thereof,  which  they  boiled  with  water,  and  eat  it ;  others 
went,  with  their  harquebuses,  to  seek  to  kill  some  fowl.  Yea, 
this  misery  was  so  great,  that  one  was  found  that  gathered  up, 
among  the  filth  of  my  house,  all  the  fish-bones  that  he  could 
find,  which  he  dried,  and  beat  into  powder,  to  make  bread 
thereof. 

The  effects  of  this  hideous  famine  appeared  incontinently 
among  us,  for  our  bones  soon  began  to  cleave  so  near  unto  the 
skin,  that  the  most  part  of  the  soldiers  had  their  skins  pierced 
through  with  them,  in  many  parts  of  their  bodies,  in  such  sort, 
that,  my  greatest  fear  was,  lest  the  Indians  would  rise  up 
against  us,  considering  that  it  would  have  been  very  hard  for 
us  to  have  defended  ourselves  in  such  extreme  decay  of  all  our 
forces,  besides  the  scarcity  of  all  victuals,  which  failed  us  all 
at  once;  for  the  very  river  had  not  such  plenty  of  fish  as  it 
was  wont,  and  it  seemed  that  the  land  and  water  did  fight 
against  us.  Now,  as  we  were  thus  upon  terms  of  despair, 
about  the  end  of  the  month  of  May  and  the  beginning  of  June, 
I  was  advertised,  by  certain  Indians,  that  were  my  neighbors, 
that,  in  the  high  country  above  the  river,  there  was  new  maize, 
and  that  that  country  was  most  forward  of  all.  This  caused 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  305 

me  to  take  upon  me  to  go  thither  with  a  certain  number  of  1564- 
my  men ;  and  I  went  up  the  river,  to  a  place  called  Enecaque, 
where  I  met  the  sister  of  UTINA,  in  a  village,  where  she  made 
us  very  good  cheer,  and  sent  us  fish.  We  found  that  which  was 
told  us  to  be  true,  for  the  maize  was  now  ripe;  but,  by  this 
good  luck,  one  shrewd  turn  happened  unto  me.  For  the  most 
part  of  my  soldiers  fell  sick  with  eating  more  of  it  than  their 
weakened  stomachs  could  digest.  We  had,  also,  been  the  space 
of  four  days,  since  we  departed  from  our  fort,  without  eating 
anything,  saving  little  pinocks^  and  a  little  fish,  which  we  got 
of  the  fishers,  which  we  met  sometimes  along  the  river;  and 
yet,  this  was  so  little,  that,  certain  soldiers,  eat  privily,  little 
whelps,  which  were  newly  whelped.  The  next  day,  I  pur 
posed  to  go  into  the  Isle  of  Edelano,  to  take  the  king,  which  had 
caused  one  of  my  men  to  be  slain,  as  I  have  mentioned  before; 
but,  being  advertised  of  my  departing  out  of  my  fort,  and  of 
the  way  which  I  took  up  the  river,  he  feared  that  I  went  forth 
with  a  purpose  to  be  revenged  of  the  evil  turn  which  he  played; 
so  that,  when  I  came  thither,  I  found  the  houses  empty;  for  he 
was  retired  a  little  before,  with  all  his  people,  and  I  could  not, 
by  any  means,  keep  my  soldiers  being  angry,  because  they  had 
lost  one  of  their  companions,  from  setting  the  village  on  fire. 
At  my  departure  from  thence,  I  passed  back  again  by  Enecaque, 
where  I  gathered  as  much  maize  as  I  could  possibly;  which, 
with  great  diligence,  I  conveyed  to  our  fort,  to  succor  my  poor 
men,  which  I  had  left  in  great  necessity.  They,  therefore, 
seeing  me  afar  off  coming,  ran  to  that  side  of  the  river  where 
they  thought  I  would  come  on  land;  for  hunger  so  pinched 

39 


306 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  them  to  the  heart,  that  they  could  not  stay  until  the  victuals 
were  brought  them  to  the  fort.  And  that,  they  well  showed, 
as  soon  as  I  was  come,  and  that  I  had  distributed  that  little 
maize  among  them,  which  I  had  given  to  each  man  before  I 
came  out  of  the  bark,  for  they  eat  it  before  they  had  taken  it 
out  of  the  husk.  But,  seeing  myself  in  this  extreme  need,  I 
took  pains,  day  by  day,  to  seek  some  villages  where  there  was 
some  food;  and,  as  I  travelled,  this  way  and  that  way,  it  hap 
pened  that  two  of  my  carpenters  were  killed  by  the  two  sons 
of  King  EMOLA,  and  by  one,  whose  name  was  CASTI,  as  they 
went  on  walking  to  the  village  called  Atbore.  The  cause  of 
this  murder  was,  because  they  could  not  refrain  themselves,  as 
they  walked  through  the  fields,  from  gathering  a  little  maize, 
which,  as  they  were  doing,  they  were  taken  in  the  manner, 
whereof  I  was  presently  advertised  by  an  Indian,  which,  a. little 
before,  had  brought  me  a  present  from  NIA  CUBACANI,  queen 
of  a  village,  and  neighbor  to  our  fort.  Upon  receipt  of  this 
advertisement,  I  sent  my  serjeant,  with  a  number  of  soldiers, 
which  found  nothing  else  but  the  two  dead  corpses,  which  they 
buried,  and  returned,  without  doing  any  other  exploit,  because 
the  inhabitants  were  fled  away,  fearing  they  should  be  punished 
for  such  a  foul  act.  As  these  things  thus  passed,  and  that,  by 
this  time,  we  had  almost  driven  out  the  month  of  May,  two 
subjects  of  King  UTINA  came  unto  me,  with  an  hermaphrodite, 
which  showed  me  that,  by  this  time,  the  maize  was  ripe  in  the 
greatest  part  of  their  quarters.  Whereupon  UTINA  signified 
unto  me,  that,  in  case  I  would  carry  him  home  to  his  house, 
he  would  take  such  good  order  that  I  should  have  plenty  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

maize  and  beans;  and,  withal,  that  the  field  which  he  had  1 564. 
caused  to  be  sown  for  me,  should  be  reserved  to  my  use.  I 
consulted  with  my  men  concerning  this  matter,  and  found,  by 
the  advice  of  all  my  company,  that  it  was  best  to  grant  him  his 
request,  saying,  that  he  had  means  to  succor  us,  with  food 
sufficient  to  serve  our  turns  for  our  embarkment,  and  that, 
therefore,  I  might  do  well  to  carry  him  home.  Wherefore  I 
caused  the  two  barks  to  be  forthwith  made  ready,  wherein  I 
sailed  to  Patica,  a  place  distant  from  his  village  eight  or  nine 
leagues,  where  I  found  nobody,  for  they  were  gotten  into  the 
woods,  and  would  not  show  themselves;  albeit,  UTINA  showed 
himself  unto  them,  forasmuch  as  they  imagined  that  I  should 
be  constrained  to  let  him  go.  But,  seeing  nobody  to  show 
themselves,  I' was  constrained  to  hazard  one  of  my  men,  which 
had  been  acquainted  with  the  state  of  the  country,  to  whom  I 
delivered  the  young  son  of  UTINA,  and  commanded  him  to  go, 
with  diligence,  to  the  village  of  UTINA,  unto  his  father-in-law, 
and  his  wife,  to  advertise  them,  that,  if  they  would  have  their 
king  again,  they  should  bring  me  victuals  unto  the  side  of  the 
little  river,  whither  I  was  gone.  At  my  man's  coming,  every 
one  made  much  of  the  little  child,  neither  was  there  a  man  that 
thought  not  himself  well  afraid  to  touch  him. 

His  father-in-law  and  his  wife,  hearing  of  these  news,  came 
presently  towards  our  barks,  and  brought  bread,  which  they 
gave  unto  my  soldiers.  They  held  me  there  three  days,  and,  in 
the  meanwhile,  did  all  that  they  could  to  take  me,  which,  pres 
ently,  I  discovered,  and,  therefore,  stood  diligently  upon  my 
guard.  Wherefore,  perceiving  they  could  not  have  their  pur- 


308 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  pose,  and  that  they  were  already  discovered,  they  sent  to  adver 
tise  me  that,  as  yet,  they  could  not  help  me  to  victuals,  and 
that  the  corn  was  not  yet  ripe.  Thus,  I  was  constrained  to 
return,  and  to  carry  back  UTINA  home,  where  I  had  much  ado 
to  save  him  from  the  rage  of  my  soldiers,  which,  perceiving  the 
maliciousness  of  the  Indians,  went  about  to  have  murdered  him. 
Moreover,  it  seemed  they  were  content  that  they  had  gotten  the 
son,  and  that  they  cared  not  greatly  for  the  father.  Now,  my 
hope  failing  me  on  this  side,  I  devised  to  send  my  men  to  the 
villages  where  I  thought  the  maize  was,  by  this  time,  ripe.  I 
went  to  divers  places,  and  continued  so  doing  fifteen  days, 
when,  as  UTINA  besought  me,  again,  to  send  him  unto  his 
village,  assuring  himself  that  his  subjects  would  not  stick  to 
give  me  victuals ;  and  that,  in  case  they  refused  so  to  do,  he 
was  content  that  I  should  do  what  I  thought  good  with  him. 
I  undertook  this  voyage  the  second  time,  with  the  two  barks, 
furnished  as  before.  At  my  coming  unto  the  little  river,  we 
found  his  subjects  there,  which  failed  not  to  come  thither  with 
some  quantity  of  bread,  beans,  and  fish,  to  give  my  soldiers. 
Nevertheless,  returning  again  to  their  former  practice,  they 
sought  all  means  to  entrap  me, 'hoping  to  cry  quittance  for 
the  imprisonment  of  their  king  if  they  might  have  gotten  the 
victory  of  me.  But,  after  that  they  saw  the  small  means 
which  they  had  to  annoy  me,  they  returned  to  entreaties,  and 
offered  that,  if  I  would  give  them  their  king,  with  certain  or 
my  soldiers,  they  would  conduct  them  unto  the  village,  and 
that,  the  subjects  seeing  him,  would  be  more  willing  to  give 
us  victuals.  Which  thing,  notwithstanding,  I  would  not  grant 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

unto  them  (mistrusting  their  subtlety,  which  was  not  so  covert  1564. 
but  that  one  might  espy  day  at  a  little  hole),  until  they  had  first 
given  me  two  men  in  pledge,  with  charge,  that,  by  the  next 
day,  they  should  bring  me  victuals.  Which  thing  they  granted, 
and  gave  me  two  men,  which  I  put  in  chains,  for  fear  they 
should  escape  away,  as  I  knew  well  they  were  instructed  to  do. 


310 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XV. 


1564. 


OUR  days  were  spent  in  these  confer 
ences,  at  the  end,  whereof,  they  declared 
unto  me,  that  they  could  not  fully  and 
wholly  perform  their  promise;  and  that 
the  uttermost  that  they  could  do,  for  the 
present,  was  to  cause  each  subject  to  bring  his  burthen  of  mill. 
To  conclude,  they  were  content  to  do  so,  on  condition  that 
I  would  send  them  their  two  pledges  within  ten  days.  As  my 
lieutenant  was  ready  to  depart,  I  warned  him,  above  all  things, 
to  take  heed  he  fall  not  into  the  Indians'  hands,  because  I  knew 
them  to  be  very  subtle  and  crafty  to  enterprise  and  execute 
anything  to  our  disadvantage.  He  departed,  therefore,  with  his 
troop,  and  came  to  the  small  river  whereunto  we  were  accus 
tomed  to  enter,  to  approach  as  near  as  we  could  unto  the  vil 
lage  of  UTINA,  being  six  French  leagues  distant  from  thence. 
There  he  went  on  shore,  put  his  men  in  good  array,  and  drew 
straight  towards  the  great  house  that  was  the  king's,  where 
the  chief  men  of  the  country  were  assembled,  which  caused 
very  great  store  of  victuals  to  be  brought — now  one,  and  then 
another;  in  doing,  whereof,  they  spent,  notwithstanding,  three 


L  0  UISIANA  AND  FL  OR  IDA.  3  j  j 

or  four  days,  in  which,  meanwhile,  they  gathered  men  together  l 
to  set  upon  us  in  our  retreat.  They  used  many  means,  there 
fore,  to  hold  us  still  in  breath.  For  one,  while  they  demanded 
their  pledges — another,  while  (seeing  my  lieutenant  would  not 
yield  unto  them  until  such  time  as  they  had  brought  the  vic 
tuals  unto  the  boats,  according  to  the  agreement  passed  between 
us)  they  signified  unto  him  that  the  women  and  young  children 
were  afraid,  out  of  all  measure,  to  see  fire  in  their  matches 
so  near  their  harquebuses  ;  and  that,  therefore,  they  most  ear 
nestly  besought  them  to  put  them  out ;  that  they  might  more 
easily  get  people  enough  to  carry  the  victuals  ;  and  that  they, 
for  their  parts,  would  leave  their  bows  and  arrows,  and  would 
be  contented  that  their  servants  should  carry  them.  This 
second  request  was  as  flatly  denied  them  as  the  former  ;  for  it 
was  an  easy  matter  to  smell  out  their  intention.  But,  while 
these  things  were  thus  in  handling,  UTINA,  by  no  means  to  be 
seen,  had  hid  and  kept  himself  secret  in  a  little  house  apart, 
where  certain  chosen  men  of  mine  went  to  see  him — showing 
themselves  agrieved  with  him  for  the  long  delays  of  his  subjects. 
Whereunto  he  answered,  that  his  subjects  were  so  much  in 
censed  against  us,  that,  by  no  means  possible  was  he  able  to 
keep  them  in  such  obedience  as  he  willingly  would  have  done, 
and  that  he  could  not  hold  them  from  waging  of  war  against 
M.  DE  OTTIGNI.  That  he,  also,  called  to  mind,  that  even 
while  he  was  prisoner,  at  what  time  our  men  led  him  into  his 
country  to  obtain  some  victuals,  he  saw,  all  along  the  highways, 
arrows  stuck  up,  at  the  ends,  whereof,  long  hairs  were  fastened, 
which  was  a  certain  sign  of  open  war  proclaimed,  which  arrows 


312 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  the  captain,  also,  carried  with  him  to  the  fort.  He  said,  further, 
that,  in  respect  of  the  good  will  he  bare  to  the  captain,  he  fore 
warned  his  lieutenant  that  his  subjects  were  determined  to  cut 
down  the  trees,  and  cause  them  to  fall  athwart  the  little  river, 
where  the  boats  were,  to  keep  them  from  departing  thence,  that 
they  might  fight  with  them  at  their  ease;  and  that,  if  it  thus  fell 
out,  he  assured  him,  for  his  part,  he  would  not  be  there  to  meddle 
in  the  matter.  And  that  which  much  more  augmented  the 
suspicion  of  war  was,  that,  as  my  messengers  departed  from 
UTINA,  they  heard  the  voice  of  one  of  my  men,  which,  during 
the  voyage,  had  always  been  among  the  Indians,  and  whom,  as 
yet,  they  would  never  render  until  they  had  gotten  their  pledges 
home.  This  poor  fellow  cried  out  amain,  because  two  Indians 
would  have  carried  him  into  the  woods  to  have  cut  his  throat, 
whereupon  he  was  succored,  and  delivered.  These  admonitions 
being  well  understood,  after  ripe  deliberation  thereof,  M.  DE 
OTTIGNI  resolved  to  retire  himself  the  2yth  day  of  July;  where 
fore,  he  set  his  soldiers  in  order,  and  delivered,  to  each  of  them, 
a  sack  full  of  mill,  and,  afterward,  he  marched  toward  his  barks, 
thinking  to  prevent  the  enterprise  of  the  savages.  There  is,  at 
the  coming  forth  of  the  village,  a  great  alley,  about  three  or 
four  hundred  paces  long,  which  is  covered,  on  both  sides,  with 
great  trees ;  my  lieutenant  disposed  his  men  in  this  alley,  and 
set  them  in  such  order  as  they  desired  to  march  ;  for  he  was 
well  assured  that,  if  there  were  any  ambush,  it  would  be  at  the 
coming  out  of  the  trees.  Therefore,  he  caused  M.  DE  ARI.AC, 
mine  ensign,  to  march  somewhat  before,  with  eight  harque- 
busiers,  to  discover  if  there  were  any  danger;  besides,  he  com- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  313 

manded  one  of  my  Serjeants  and  corporals  to  march  on  the  15^4- 
outside  of  the  alley,  with  four  harquebusiers,  while  he,  himself, 
conducted  the  rest  of  his  company  through  it.  Now,  as  he 
suspected,  so  it  fell  out;  for  M.  DE  ARLAC  met  with  two  or 
three  hundred  Indians  at  the  end  of  the  alley,  which  saluted 
us  with  an  infinite  number  of  their  arrows,  and,  with  such  fury, 
that  it  was  easy  to  see  with  what  desire  they  sought  to  charge 
us.  Howbeit,  they  were  so  well  sustained  in  the  first  assault 
which  mine  ensign  gave  them,  that  they  which  fell  down  dead 
did  somewhat  abate  the  choler  of  those  which  remained  alive. 
This  done,  my  lieutenant  hastened  to  gain  ground,  in  such  sort 
as  I  have  already  said. 

After  he  had  marched  about  four  hundred  paces,  he  was 
charged  afresh,  with  a  new  troop  of  savages,  which  were,  in 
number,  about  three  hundred,  which  assailed  him  before,  while 
the  rest  of  the  former  set  upon  him  behind.  This  second 
assault  was  so  valiantly  sustained,  that,  I  may  justly  say,  that 
Monsieur  DE  OTTIGNI  so  well  discharged  his  duty  as  was 
possible  for  a  good  captain  to  do.  And  so  it  stood  them  ;  for 
he  had  to  deal  with  such  kind  of  men  as  knew  well  how  to 
fight,  and  to  obey  their  head  which  conducted  them,  and  which 
knew  so  well  to  behave  themselves  in  this  conflict,  as,  if  OT 
TIGNI  had  not  prevented  their  practice,  he  had  been  in  danger 
to  have  been  defeated.  Their  manner  in  this  fight  was,  that, 
when  two  hundred  had  shot,  they  retired  themselves,  and  gave 
place  to  the  rest  that  were  behind;  and,  all  the  while,  had  their 
eye  and  foot  so  quick  and  ready,  that,  as  soon  as  ever  they  saw 

the   harquebuse  laid   to  the   cheek,  so  soon  were   they  on  the 

40 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  ground,  as  soon  up,  to  answer  with  their  bows,  and  to  fight 
their  way,  if,  by  chance,  they  perceived  we  went  about  to  take 
them ;  for  there  is  nothing  that  they  feared  so  much  because  of 
our  swords  and  daggers.  This  conflict  continued,  and  lasted 
from  nine  of  the  clock  in  the  morning  until  the  night  departed 
them.  And,  if  OTTIGNI  had  not  bethought  himself  to  cause 
his  men  to  break  the  arrows  which  they  found  in  the  way,  and 
so  to  deprive  the  savages  of  the  means  to  begin  again,  without 
all  doubt  he  should  have  had  very  much  to  do  ;  for,  by  this 
means,  they  lacked  arrows,  and  so  were  constrained  to  retire 
themselves.  During  the  time  of  the  conflict,  they  cried,  and 
made  signs,  that  they  were  the  captain's  and  lieutenant's  friends, 
and  that  they  fought  for  none  other  cause  but  to  be  revenged 
on  the  soldiers,  which  were  their  mortal  enemies.  My  lieu 
tenant  being  come  unto  his  boats,  took  a  review  of  his  com 
pany,  and  found  two  men  wanting,  which  were  killed,  of  whom 
the  one  was  called  JAMES  SALE,  and  the  other's  name  was  MES- 
UREUR.  He  found,  moreover,  twenty-two  of  them  wounded, 
which,  with  much  ado,  he  caused  to  be  brought  unto  the  boats. 
All  the  mill  that  he  found  among  his  company,  came  but  to 
two  men's  burden,  which  he  divided  equally  among  them;  for, 
as  soon  as  the  conflict  began,  every  man  was  constrained  to 
leave  his  sack  to  put  his  hand  to  his  weapon. 

In  this,  meanwhile,  I  remained  at  the  fort,  and  caused  every 
man  diligently  to  travel,  hoping  that  my  lieutenant  would  bring 
us  victuals  ;  but,  seeing  the  time  consume  away,  I  began  to 
suspect  the  truth  of  that  which  fell  out,  whereof  I  was  assured, 
immediately  after,  at  their  return.  Seeing,  therefore,  mine 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

hope  frustrated  on  that  side,  I  made  my  prayer  unto  GOD,  and  1564 
thanked  him  of  his  grace  which  he  had  shown  unto  my  poor 
soldiers  which  were  escaped.  Afterward,  I  thought  upon  new 
means  to  obtain  victuals,  as  well  for  our  return  into  France,  as 
to  drive  out  the  time  until  our  embarking.  I  was  advertised, 
by  certain  of  our  company,  which  usually  went  on  hunting  into 
the  woods  and  through  the  villages,  that  in  the  village  Saraurahi, 
situated  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  two  leagues  dis 
tant  from  the  fort,  and  in  the  village  Emola,  there  were  fields 
wherein  the  mill  was  very  forward,  and  that  there  was,  thereof, 
in  those  parts,  in  great  abundance.  Wherefore,  I  caused  my 
boats  to  be  made  ready,  and  sent  my  Serjeant  thither,  with 
certain  soldiers,  which'  used  such  diligence,  that  we  had  good 
store  of  mill.  I  sent,  also,  to  the  river,  which  the  savages  call 
Iracana,  named,  by  Captain  RIBAULT,  the  river  of  Somme, 
where  Captain  VASSEUR  and  my  Serjeant  arrived,  with  two 
boats,  and  their  ordinary  furniture,  and  found,  there,  a  great  as 
sembly  of  the  lords  of  the  country,  among  whom  was  ATHORE, 
the  son  of  SATOURIOUA,  APALOU,  and  TACADOCOROU,  which 
were  there  assembled  to  make  merry;  because  that,  in  this 
place,  are  the  fairest  maids  and  women  of  the  villages.  Where 
upon,  the  boats  were  forthwith  laden  with  mill,  after  they  had 
made  our  men  as  good  cheer  as  they  could  devise.  The  queen 
sent  me  two  small  mats,  so  artificially  wrought,  as  it  was  impos 
sible  to  make  better.  Now,  finding  ourselves  by  this  means 
sufficiently  furnished  with  victuals,  we  began,  each  of  us  in  his 
place,  to  travel,  and  use  such  diligence  as  the  desire  to  see  our 
native  country  might  move  us;  but,  because  two  of  our  car- 


316  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  penters  were  slain  by  the  Indians  (as  heretofore  I  mentioned), 
JOHN  DE  HAIS,  master-carpenter,  a  man  very  worthy  of  his 
vocation,  repaired  unto  me,  and  told  me  that,  by  reason  or 
want  of  men,  he  was  not  able  to  make  me  up  the  ship  against 
the  time  that  he  had  promised  me,  which  speech  caused  such  a 
mutiny  among  the  soldiers,  that  very  hardly  he  escaped  killing; 
howbeit,  I  appeased  them  as  well  as  I  could,  and  determined  to 
work  no  more,  from  thenceforth,  upon  the  ship,  but  to  content 
to  repair  the  brigantine  which  I  had.  So  we  began  to  beat 
down  all  the  houses  that  were  without  the  fort,  and  caused  coal 
to  be  made  of  the  timber  thereof;  likewise,  the  soldiers  beat 
down  the  palisade  which  was  toward  the  water-side,  neither  was 
I  ever  able  to  keep  them  from  doing  it.  I  had  also  determined 
to  beat  down  the  fort  before  my  departure,  and  to  set  it  on  fire, 
for  fear  lest  some  new-come  guest  should  have  enjoyed  and 
possessed  it. 

In  the  meanwhile,  there  was  none  of  us  to  whom  it  was  not 
an  extreme  grief  to  leave  a  country  wherein  we  had  endured  so 
great  travails  and  necessities,  to  discover  that  which  we  must 
forsake,  through  our  own  countrymen's  default.  For,  if  we  had 
been  succored  in  time  and  place,  and,  according  to  the  promise 
that  was  made  unto  us,  the  war,  which  was  between  us  and 
UTINA,  had  not  fallen  out;  neither  should  we  have  had  occa 
sion  to  offend  the  Indians,  which,  with  all  the  pains  in  the 
world,  I  entertained  in  good  amity,  as  well  with  merchandise 
and  apparel  as  with  promise  of  greater  matters ;  and,  with 
whom  I  so  behaved  myself,  that,  although  sometimes  I  was 
constrained  to  take  victuals  in  some  few  villages,  yet  I  lost  not 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

the  alliance  of  eight  kings  and  lords,  my  neighbors,  which  con-  1564. 
tinually  succored  and  aided  me  with  whatsoever  they  were  able 
to  afford.  Yea,  this  was  the  principal  scope  of  all  my  purposes, 
to  win  and  entertain  them,  knowing  how  greatly  their  amity 
might  advance  our  enterprise,  and,  principally,  while  I  discov 
ered  the  commodities  of  the  country,  and  sought  to  strengthen 
myself  therein.  I  leave  it  to  your  cogitation  to  think  how  near 
it  went  to  our  hearts  to  leave  a  place  abounding  in  riches  (as 
we  were  thoroughly  informed  thereof),  in  coming  whereunto, 
and  doing  service  unto  our  Prince,  we  left  our  own  country, 
wives,  children,  parents,  and  friends,  and  passed  the  perils  of  the 
sea,  and  were  therein  arrived,  as  in  a  plentiful  treasure  of  all  our 
hearts  desire.  As  each  of  us  were  much  tormented  in  mind 
with  these,  or  such  like  cogitations,  the  third  of  August,  I 
descried  four  sails  in  the  sea  as  I  walked  upon  a  little  hill, 
whereof  I  was  exceedingly  well  repaid.  I  sent,  immediately, 
one  of  them  which  were  with  me,  to  advertise  those  of  the  fort, 
thereof,  which  were  so  glad  of  these  news,  that  one  would  have 
thought  them  to  be  out  of  their  wits,  to  see  them  laugh  and 
leap  for  joy. 

After  these  ships  had  cast  anchor,  we  descried  that  they 
sent  one  of  their  boats  to  land,  whereupon  I  caused  one  of 
mine  to  be  armed,  with  diligence,  to  send  to  meet  them,  and 
to  know  who  they  were.  In  the  meanwhile,  fearing  lest  they 
were  Spaniards,  I  set  my  soldiers  in  order,  and  in  readiness, 
attending  the  return  of  Captain  VASSEUR  and  my  lieutenant, 
which  were  gone  to  meet  them,  which  brought  me  word  that 
they  were  Englishmen ;  and,  in  truth,  they  had,  in  their  com- 


318  HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  pany  one,  whose  name  was  MARTINE  ANTINAS,  of  Dieppe, 
which,  at  that  time,  was  in  their  service,  which,  on  the  behalf 
of  Master  JOHN  HAWKINS,  their  general,  came  to  request  me 
that  I  would  suffer  them  to  take  fresh  water,  whereof  they 
stood  in  great  need,  signifying  unto  me  that  they  had  been 
above  fifteen  days  on  the  coast  to  get  some.  He  brought  unto 
me,  from  the  general,  two  flagons  of  wine,  and  bread  made  of 
wheat,  which  greatly  refreshed  me,  forasmuch  as,  for  seven 
months'  space,  I  never  tasted  a  drop  of  wine;  nevertheless,  it 
was  all  divided  among  the  greatest  part  of  my  soldiers.  This 
MARTINE  ANTINAS  had  guided  the  Englishmen  unto  our  coast, 
wherewith  he  was  acquainted;  for,  in  the  year  1562,  he  came 
thither  with  me,  and,  therefore,  the  general  sent  him  to  me. 
Therefore,  after  I  had  granted  his  request,  he  signified  the  same 
unto  the  general,  which,  the  next  day  following,  caused  one  of 
his  small  ships  to  enter  into  the  river,  and  came  to  see  me,  in  a 
great  ship-boat,  accompanied  with  gentlemen,  honorably  ap 
pareled,  yet  unarmed.  He  sent  for  great  store  of  bread  and 
wine,  to  distribute,  thereof,  to  every  one.  On  my  part,  I 
made  him  the  best  cheer  I  could  possibly,  and  caused  certain 
sheep  and  poultry  to  be  killed,  which,  until  this  present  time, 
I  had  carefully  preserved,  hoping  to  store  the  country  withal ; 
for,  notwithstanding  all  the  necessities  and  sickness  that  hap 
pened  unto  me.  I  would  not  suffer  so  much  as  one  chicken 
to  be  killed,  by  which  means,  in  a  short  time,  I  had  gathered 
together  above  a  hundred  pullets.  Now,  three  days  passed, 
while  the  English  general  remained  with  me,  during  which  time 
the  Indians  came  in  from  all  parts  to  see  him,  and  asked  me 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

whether  he  were  my  brother;  I -told  them  he  was  so,  and  sig- 
nified  unto  them  that  he  was  come  to  see  me,  and  aid  me  with 
so  great  store  of  victuals,  that,  from  thenceforth,  I  should  have 
no  need  to  take  anything  of  them.  The  bruit,  hereof,  incon 
tinently,  was  spread  over  all  the  country,  in  such  sort,  as  am 
bassadors  came  unto  me  from  all  parts,  which,  on  the  behalf  of 
the  kings,  their  masters,  desired  to  make  alliance  with  me;  and 
even  they,  which  before  sought  to  make  war  against  me,  came 
to  offer  their  friendship  and  service  unto  me,  whereupon  I 
received  them,  and  gratified  them  with  certain  presents.  The 
general  immediately  understood  the  desire  and  urgent  occasion 
which  I  had  to  return  into  France,  whereupon  he  offered  to 
transport  me  and  all  my  company  home ;  whereunto,  notwith 
standing,  I  would  not  agree,  being  in  doubt  upon  what  occasion 
he  made  so  large  an  offer;  for  I  knew  not  how  the  case  stood 
between  the  French  and  the  English ;  and,  although  he  promised 
me,  on  his  faith,  to  put  me  on  land  in  France,  before  he  would 
touch  in  England,  yet  I  stood  in  doubt,  lest  he  would  attempt 
somewhat  in  Florida,  in  the  name  of  his  mistress;  wherefore  I 
flatly  refused  his  offer.  Whereupon  there  arose  a  great  mutiny 
among  my  soldiers,  which  said,  that  I  sought  to  destroy  them 
all,  and  that  the  brigantine,  whereof  I  spake  before,  was  not 
sufficient  to  transport  them,  considering  the  season  of  the  year 
wherein  we  were.  The  bruit  and  mutiny  increased  more  and 
more ;  for,  after  that  the  general  was  returned  to  his  ships,  he 
told  certain  gentlemen  and  soldiers  which  went  to  see  him, 
partly  to  make  good  cheer  with  him;  he  declared,  I  say,  unto 
them,  that  he  greatly  doubted  that  hardly  we  should  be  able  to 


320  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  pass  safely  in  those  vessels  which  we  had,  and  that,  in  case  we 
should  enterprise  the  same,  we  should,  no  doubt,  be  in  great 
jeopardy ;  notwithstanding,  if  I  were  so  contented,  he  would 
transport  part  of  my  men  in  his  ships,  and  that  he  would  leave 
me  a  small  ship  to  transport  the  rest.  The  soldiers  were  no 
sooner  come  home  but  they  signified  the  offer  unto  their  com 
panions,  which  incontinently  consented  together,  that,  in  case  I 
would  not  accept  the  same,  they  would  embark  themselves 
with  him,  and  forsake  me,  so  that  he  would  receive  them, 
according  to  his  promise.  They,  therefore,  assembled  them 
selves  all  together,  and  came  to  seek  me  in  my  chamber,  and 
signified  unto  me  their  intention,  whereunto  I  promised  to 
answer  within  one  hour  after.  In  which,  meanwhile,  I  gath 
ered  together  the  principal  members  of  my  company,  which, 
after  I  had  broken  the  matter  with  them,  answered  me,  all  with 
one  voice,  that  I  ought  not  to  refuse  this  offer,  nor  contemn 
the  occasion  which  presented  itself;  and  that  they  could  not 
think  evil  of  it  in  France,  if,  being  forsaken  as  we  were,  we 
aided  ourselves  with  such  means  as  GOD  had  sent  us. 

After  sundry  debatings  of  this  matter,  in  conclusion,  I  gave 
my  advice:  that  we  ought  to  deliver  him  the  price  of  the  ship, 
which  he  was  to  leave  us  ;  and  that,  for  my  part,  I  was  content 
to  give  him  the  best  of  my  stuff,  and  the  silver  which  I  had 
gathered  in  the  country.  Whereupon,  notwithstanding  it  was 
determined  that  I  should  keep  the  silver,  for  fear  lest  the  Queen 
of  England,  seeing  the  same,  should  the  rather  be  encouraged  to 
set  footing  there,  as  before  she  had  desired ;  that  it  was  far 
better  to  carry  it  into  France,  to  give  encouragement  unto  our 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ^21 

princes  not  to  leave  off  an  enterprise  of  so  great  importance  for  1564. 
our  commonwealth  ;  and  that,  seeing  we  were  resolved  to  ~~ 
depart,  it  was  far  better  to  give  him  our  artillery — which,  other 
wise,  we  should  be  constrained  to  leave  behind  us,  or  to  hide 
it  in  the  ground,  by  reason  of  the  weakness  of  our  men — being 
not  able  to  embark  the  same.  This  point  being  thus  con 
cluded,  and  resolved  on,  I  went,  myself,  unto  the  English 
general,  accompanied  with  my  lieutenant,  and  Captain  VER- 
DIER,  and  TRENCHANT,  the  pilot,  and  my  serjeant — all  men 
of  experience  in  such  affairs,  and  knowing  sufficiently  how  to 
drive  such  a  bargain.  We,  therefore,  took  a  view  of  the  ship 
which  the  general  would  sell,  whom  we  drew  to  such  reason, 
that  he  was  content  to  stand  to  mine  own  men's  judgment,  who 
esteemed  it  to  be  worth  seven  hundred  crowns  ;  whereof  we 
agreed  very  friendly.  Wherefore,  I  delivered  him,  in  earnest 
of  the  sum,  two  bastards^  two  myntons^  one  thousand  of  irons 
and  one  thousand  of  powder.  This  bargain  thus  made,  he 
considered  the  necessity  wherein  \ve  were — having  for  all  our 
sustenance  but  mill  and  water  :  whereupon,  being  moved  with 
pity,  he  offered  to  relieve  me  with  twenty  barrels  of  meal,  six 
pipes  of  beans,  one  hogshead  of  salt,  and  a  hundred  of  wax, 
to  make  candles.  Moreover,  forasmuch  as  he  saw  my  sol 
diers  go  barefoot,  he  offered  me,  besides,  fifty  pairs  of  shoes, 
which  I  accepted,  and  agreed  of  a  price  with  him,  and  gave  him 
a  bill  of  mine  hand  for  the  same  ;  for  which,  until  this  present, 
I  am  indebted  to  him.  He  did  more  than  this;  for,  particularly, 
he  bestowed  upon  myself  a  great  jar  of  oil,  a  jar  of  vinegar,  a 

barrel  of  olives,  and  a  great  quantity  of  rice,  and  a  barrel  of 

41 


£22  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  white  biscuit;  besides,  he  gave  divers  presents  to  the  principal 
officers  of  my  company,  according  to  .their  qualities,  so  that,  I 
may  say,  we  received  as  many  courtesies  of  the  general  as 
it  was  possible  to  receive  of  any  man  living;  wherein,  doubt 
less,  he  hath  won  the  reputation  of  a  good  and  charitable  man, 
deserving  to  be  esteemed  as  much,  of  us  all,  as  if  he  had  saved 
all  our  lives.  Incontinent  after  his  departure,  I  spared  no  pains 
to  hasten  my  men  to  make  biscuits  of  their  meal  which  he  had 
left  me,  and  to  hoop  my  cask,  to  take  in  water  needful  for  the 
voyage.  A  man  may  well  think  what  diligence  we  used,  in 
respect  of  the  great  desire  we  had  to  depart,  wherein  we  con 
tinued  so  well,  that,  the  fifteenth  day  of  August,  the  biscuit,  the 
greatest  part  of  our  water,  and  all  the  soldiers'  stuff,  was  brought 
aboard,  so  that,  from  that  day  forward,  we  did  nothing  but  stay 
for  good  winds  to  drive  us  into  France,  which  had  freed  us 
from  an  infinite  number  of  mischiefs,  which,  afterward,  we  suf 
fered,  if  they  had  come  as  we  desired ;  but  it  was  not  GOD'S 
good  pleasure,  as  shall  appear  hereafter. 

Being  thus  in  a  readiness  to  set  sail,  we  bethought  ourselves 
that  it  would  do  well  to  bring  certain  men  and  women  of  the 
country  into  France,  to  the  end  that,  if  this  voyage  should  be 
taken  in  hand  again,  they  might  declare  unto  their  kings  the 
greatness  of  our  king,  the  excellency  of  our  princes,  the  good 
ness  of  our  country,  and  the  manner  of  living  of  the  French 
men  ;  and  that  they  might  also  learn  our  language,  to  serve  our 
turns  thereby,  in  time  to  come;  wherein  I  took  so  good  order, 
that  I  found  means  to  bring  away  with  me  the  goodliest  persons 
of  all  the  country,  if  our  intentions  had  succeeded,  as  I  hoped 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


323 


they  would  have  done.  In  the  mean  season,  the  kings,  my  1564. 
neighbors,  came  often  to  see  and  visit  me,  which,  after  they 
understood  that  I  would  retire  into  France,  demanded  of  me 
whether  I  meant  to  return  again,  or  no,  and  whether  it  should 
be  in  short  time.  I  signified  unto  them  that,  within  ten 
moons  (so  they  call  their  months),  I  would  visit  them  again, 
with  such  force,  that  I  would  be  able  to  make  them  conquerors 
over  all  their  enemies.  They  prayed  me  that  I  would  leave 
them  my  house,  that  I  would  forbid  my  soldiers  to  beat  down 
the  fort  and  their  lodgings,  and  that  I  would  leave  them  a  boat 
to  aid  them,  withal,  in  their  war  against  their  enemies;  which 
I  made  as  though  I  would  grant  unto  them,  to  the  end,  I  might 
always  remain  their  friend  until  my  last  departure. 


324 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XVI. 


THIRD  EXPEDITION,  COMMANDED  BY  M.  RIBAULT. 

1564.  jjSBl  S    I   was   thus  occupied    in   these  confer 

ences,  the  wind  and  the  tide  served 
well  to  set  sail — which  was  the  eighth 
and  twentieth  of  August  ;  at  which  in 
stant,  Captain  VASSEUR,  which  com 
manded  in  one  of  my  ships,  and  Captain  VERDIER,  which  was 
chief  in  the  other — now  ready  to  go  forth,  began  to  descry 
certain  sails  at  sea,  whereof  they  advertised  me,  with  diligence  ; 
whereupon  I  appointed  to  arm  forth  a  boat,  in  good  order,  to 
go  to  descry  and  know  what  they  were.  I  sent,  also,  to  the 
sentinels — which  I  caused  to  be  kept  on  a  little  nap — to  cause 
certain  men  to  climb  up  to  the  top  of  the  highest  trees,  the  better 
to  discover  them.  They  descried  the  great  boat  of  the  ships, 
which,  as  yet,  they  could  not  perfectly  discern — which,  as  far 
as  they  could  judge,  seemed  to  chase  my  boat,  which,  by  this 
time,  was  passed  the  bar  of  the  river,  so  that  we  could  not 
possibly  judge  whether  they  were  enemies,  which  would  have 
carried  her  away  with  them ;  for  it  was  too  great  a  ken  to 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  325 

judge  the  truth,  thereof.      Upon   this   doubt,  I   put   my   men   in       1564. 

order,  and  in  such  array  as  though  they  had  been  enemies  ;   and, 

indeed,  I  had  great  occasion  to  mistrust  the  same,  for  my  boat 

came  unto  their  ship,  about  two  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon, 

and  sent  me  no  news  all  that  day  long,  to  put  me  out  of  doubt 

who   they   should   be.     The   next   day,   in   the   morning,  about 

eight   or  nine  of  the  clock,  I   saw   seven  boats   (among  which 

mine  own  was  one),  full  of  soldiers,  enter  into  the  river,  having 

every    man    his    harquebuse    in    his    hand,   and    morion    on    his 

head,  which   marched  all   in   battle,  along  the  cliffs,  where  my 

sentinels  were,  to  whom  they  would   make  no  kind  of  answer, 

notwithstanding  all  the  demands   that  were   made   unto  them  ; 

insomuch   as   one   of  my   soldiers  was  constrained  to  bestow  a 

shot  at  them,  without  doing  hurt,  nevertheless,  to  any  of  them, 

by  reason   of  the   distance   between  him  and  the  boats.     The 

report,   hereof,  being  made  unto   me,  I  placed  each  of  my   men 

in  his  quarter,  with  full  deliberation  to  defend  ourselves,  if  they 

had  been  enemies,  as,  in  truth,  we  thought  them  to  have  been  ; 

likewise,  I  caused  the  two  small  field-pieces,  which  I  had  left 

me,   to  be  trimmed,  in  such  sort,  as   if  approaching  to  the  fort, 

that  if  they  had  not  cried  out  that  it  was  Captain  RIBAULT,  I 

had  not  failed  to  have  discharged  the  same  upon  them. 

Afterward,  I  understood  that  the  cause  why  they  entered  in 
this  manner  proceeded  of  the  false  reports  which  had  been 
made  unto  my  lord  admiral  by  those  which  were  returned  into 
France  in  the  first  ships ;  for  they  had  put  in  his  head  that  I 
had  played  the  lord  and  the  king,  and  that  I  would  hardly  suffer 
that  any  other,  save  myself,  should  enter  in  thither  to  govern 


326 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  there.  Thus,  we  see  how  the  good  name  of  the  most  honest  is, 
oftentimes,  assailed  by  such  as,  having  no  means  to  win  them 
selves  credit  by  virtuous  and  laudable  endeavors,  think,  by 
debasing  of  other  men's  virtues,  to  augment  the  feeble  force  of 
their  faint  courage,  which,  nevertheless,  is  one  of  the  most 
notable  dangers  which  may  happen  in  a  commonwealth,  and 
chiefly  among  men  of  war  which  are  placed  in  government; 
for  it  is  very  hard,  yea,  utterly  impossible  that,  in  governing  ot 
a  company  of  men  gathered  out  of  divers  places  and  sundry 
nations,  and,  namely,  such  as  we  know  them  to  be  in  our  wars 
— it  is,  I  say,  impossible  but  there  will  be  always  some  of  evil 
conditions,  and  hard  to  be  ruled,  which  easily  conceived  an 
hatred  against  him,  which,  by  admonitions  and  light  corrections, 
endeavoreth  to  reduce  them  to,  the  discipline  of  war ;  for  they 
seek  nothing  else  but  for  a  small  occasion,  grounded  upon  a 
light  pretext,  to  sound  into  the  ears  of  great  lords  that  which, 
mischievously,  they  have  contrived  against  those  whose  execu 
tion  of  justice  is  odious  unto  them.  And,  albeit,  I  will  not 
place  myself  in  the  rank  of  great  and  renowned  captains,  such 
as  lived  in  times  passed,  yet,  we  may  judge  by  their  examples 
how  hurtful  back-biters  have  been  unto  commonwealths.  I 
will  only  take  ALCIBIADES  for  witness,  in  the  Commonwealth 
of  the  Athenians,  which,  by  this  means,  was  cast  into  banish 
ment,  whereupon  his  citizens  felt  the  smart  of  an  infinite 
number  of  mischiefs,  insomuch,  as,  in  the  end,  they  were 
constrained  to  call  him  home  again,  and  acknowledge,  at  length, 
the  fault  they  had  committed  in  forgetting  his  good  services,  and 
rather  believing  a  false  report  than  having  had  regard  unto  so 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  327 

many  notable  exploits  which,  in  former  time,  he  had  achieved. 
But  that  I  lose  not  myself  in  digressing  so  far  in  this,  my  justi 
fication,  I  will  return  again  to  my  first  course. 

Being,  therefore,  advertised  that  it  was  Captain  RIBAULT,  I 
went  forth  of  the  fort  to  meet  him ;  and,  to  do  him  all  the  honor 
I  could  by  any  means,  I  caused  him  to  be  welcomed  with  the 
artillery,  and  a  gentle  volley  of  my  shot,  whereunto  he  answered 
with  his.  Afterward,  being  come  on  shore,  and  received  hon 
orably  with  joy,  I  brought  him  to  my  lodging,  rejoicing  not  a 
little,  because  that,  in  this  company,  I  knew  a  good  number  of 
my  friends,  which  I  entreated,  in  the  best  sort  that  I  was  able, 
with  such  victuals  as  I  could  get  in  the  country,  and  that  small 
store  which  I  had  left  me,  with  that  which  I  had  of  the  English 
general.  Howbeit,  I  marvelled  not  a  little,  when,  as  all  of 
them,  with  one  voice,  began  to  utter  unto  me,  these,  or  the 
like  speeches :  "  My  Captain,  we  praise  GOD  that  we  have 
found  you  alive  ;  and  chiefly,  because  we  know  that  the  reports 
which  have  been  made  of  you  are  false."  These  speeches 
moved  me,  in  such  sort,  that  I  would  needs,  out  of  hand,  know 
more,  mistrusting  some  evil.  Wherefore,  having  accosted  Cap 
tain  JOHN  RIBAULT,  and,  going  both  of  us  aside  out  of  the  fort, 
he  signified  unto  me  the  charge  which  he  had,  praying  me  not 
to  return  into  France,  but  to  stay  with  him,  myself  and  my 
company,  and  assured  me  that  he  would  make  it  well  thought 
of  at  home.  Whereupon  I  replied,  that,  out  of  this  place,  I 
would  do  him  all  service ;  that,  for  the  present,  I  could  not, 
nor  ought  not  accept  this  offer,  since  he  was  come  for  no  other 
intent  than  to  occupy  the  place  which  I  before  possessed,  and 


328 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  that  I  could  have  no  credit  to  be  there  commanded;  that  my 
friends  would  never  like  of  it,  and  that  he  would  hardly  give 
me  that  counsel,  if,  in  good  earnest,  I  should  demand  his  advice 
therein.  He  made  me  answer,  that  he  would  not  command 
me  that  we  should  be  companions,  and  that  he  would  build 
another  fortress,  and  that  he  would  leave  mine  own  unto  me. 
This,  notwithstanding,  I  fully  advertised  him,  that  I  could  not 
receive  a  greater  comfort  than  the  news  which  he  brought  me  to 
return  into  France;  and,  further,  that,  though  I  should  stay 
there,  yet,  it  must  needs  be,  that  one  of  us  both  was  to  com 
mand,  with  the  title  of  the  King's  lieutenant;  that  this  could 
not  well  agree  together ;  that  I  had  rather  have  it  cast  in  my 
teeth,  to  be  the  poorest  beggar  in  the  world,  than  to  be  com 
manded  in  that  place  where  I  had  endured  so  much  to  inhabit 
and  plant  there,  if  it  were  not  by  some  great  lord  or  king  of  the 
order;  and  that,  in  these  respects,  I  prayed  him,  very  heartily, 
to  deliver  me  the  letters  which  my  Lord  Admiral  had  written 
unto  me,  which  he  performed. 

The  contents  of  these  letters  were  these  : 

"Captain  LAUDONNIERE,  because  some  of  them  which  are  returned  from  Florida 
speak  indifferently  of  the  country,  the  King  desireth  your  presence,  to  the  end  that, 
according  to  your  trial,  he  may  resolve  to  bestow  great  cost  thereon,  or  wholly  to 
leave  it  j  and,  therefore,  I  send  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  to  be  governor  there,  to  whom 
you  shall  deliver  whatsoever  you  have  in  charge,  and  inform  him  of  all  things  you 
have  discovered." 

And,  in  a  postscript  of  the  letter,  was  thus  written  : 

"  Think  not  that,  whereas  I  send  for  you,  it  is  for  any  evil  opinion,  or  mistrust 
that  I  have  for  you,  but  that  it  is  for  your  good,  and  for  your  credit  j  and  assure  your 
self  that,  during  my  life,  you  shall  find  me  your  good  master, 

"  CHASTILLON." 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


329 


Now,  after  I  had  long  discoursed  with  Captain  RIBAULT, 
Captain  LA  GRANGE  accosted  me,  and  told  me  of  an  infinite 
number  of  false  reports  which  had  been  made  of  me,  to  my 
great  hindrance  ;  and,  among  other  things,  he  informed  me  that 
my  Lord  Admiral  took  it  very  evil  that  I  had  carried  a  woman 
with  me ;  likewise,  that  somebody  had  told  him  that  I  went 
about  to  counterfeit  the  King,  and  to  play  the  tyrant ;  that  I 
was  too  cruel  unto  the  men  that  went  with  me  ;  that  I  thought 
to  be  advanced  by  other  means  than  by  my  Lord  Admiral,  and 
that  I  had  written  to  many  lords  of  the  Court,  which  I  ought 
not  to  have  done.  Whereunto  I  answered,  that  the  woman 
was  a  poor  chambermaid,  which  I  had  taken  up  in  an  inn,  to 
oversee  my  household  business,  to  look  to  an  infinite  sort  of 
divers  beasts — as  sheep  and  poultry,  which  I  carried  over  with 
me  to  store  the  country  withal;  that  it  was  not  meet  to  put  a 
man  to  attend  this  business;  likewise,  considering  the  length  of 
the  time  that  I  was  to  abide  there,  methought  it  should  not 
offend  anybody  to  take  a  woman  with  me,  as  well  to  help  my 
soldiers  in  their  sickness  as  in  mine  own,  whereinto  I  fell  after 
ward.  And  how  necessary  her  service  was  for  us,  each  one,  at 
that  time,  might  easily  perceive.  That  all  my  men  thought  so 
well  of  her,  that,  at  one  instant,  there  were  six  or  seven  which 
did  demand  her  of  me  in  marriage,  as,  in  very  deed,  one  of 
them  had  her,  after  our  return.  Touching  that  which  was 
said,  that  I  played  the  king,  these  reports  were  made  because  I 
would  not  bear  with  anything  which  was  against  the  duty  of 
my  charge,  and  the  King's  service.  Moreover,  that,  in  such 
enterprises,  it  is  necessary  for  a  governor  to  make  himself 

42 


330 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  known  and  obeyed,  for  fear  lest  everybody  would  become  a 
master,  perceiving  themselves  far  from  greater  forces ;  and  that, 
if  the  tale-tellers  called  this  rigor,  it  rather  proceeded  of  their 
disobedience,  than  of  my  nature,  less  subject  to  cruelty  than 
they  were  to  rebellion.  For  the  two  last  points,  that  I  had  not 
written  to  any  of  the  lords  of  the  court  but  by  the  advice  and 
commandment  of  my  Lord  Admiral,  which  willed  me,  at  my 
departure,  to  send  part  of  such  things  as  I  should  find  in  the 
country  unto  the  lords  of  the  council,  to  the  end  that,  being 
moved  by  this  means,  they  might  deal  with  the  Queen  Mother 
for  the  continuance  of  this  enterprise;  that,  having  been  so 
small  time  in  the  country,  continually  hindered  with  building  of 
fortresses,  and  unloading  of  my  ships,  I  was  not  able  to  come 
by  any  new  or  rare  things  to  send  them ;  whereupon  I  thought 
it  best  to  content  them,  in  the  meanwhile,  with  letters,  until 
such  time  as  I  might  have  longer  space  to  search  out  the  coun 
try,  and  might  recover  something  to  send  them;  the  distribu 
tion  of  which  letters,  I  meant  not  otherwise  but  to  refer  to  my 
Lord  Admiral's  good  pleasure;  and  that,  if  the  bearer  had  forgot 
himself  so  far  as  that  he  had  broken  the  covering  of  the  letters, 
and  presented  them  himself  for  hope  of  gain,  it  was  not  my 
commandment.  And  that  I  never  honored  nobleman  so  much, 
nor  did  to  any  man  more  willing  and  faithful  service  than  to  my 
Lord  Admiral,  nor  ever  sought  advancement  but  by  his  means. 
You  see  how  things  passed  for  this  day. 

The  next  day,  the  Indians  came  in  from  all  parts,  to  know 
what  people  these  were;  to  whom  I  signified  that  this  was  he, 
which,  in  the  year  1562,  arrived  in  this  country,  and  erected 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

the  pillar  which  stood  at  the  entry  of  the  river.  Some  of  them  1564. 
knew  him  ;  for,  in  truth,  he  was  easy  to  be  known,  by  reason  of 
the  great  beard  which  he  wore.  He  received  many  presents  of 
them  which  were  of  the  villages  near  adjoining,  among  whom 
there  were  some  that  he  had  not  yet  forgotten.  The  Kings 
HOMOLOA,  SARAUAHI,  ALIMACANI,  MALICA,  and  CASTI,  came 
to  visit  him,  and  welcome  him  with  divers  gifts,  according  to 
their  manner.  I  advertised  them  that  he  was  sent  thither  by 
the  King  of  France,  to  remain  there  in  my  room,  and  that  I 
was  sent  for.  Then  they  demanded,  and  prayed  him,  if  it  might 
stand  with  his  good  pleasure,  to  cause  the  merchandise  that  he 
had  brought  with  him  to  be  delivered  them;  and  that,  in  a  few 
days,  they  would  bring  him  to  the  mountains  of  Apalatcy, 
whither  they  had  promised  to  conduct  me;  and  that,  in  case 
they  performed  not  their  promise,  that  they  were  content  to  be 
cut  in  pieces.  In  those  mountains,  as  they  said,  is  found  red 
copper,  which  they  call,  in  their  language,  Sieroa  Pira,  which  is 
as  much  as  to  say,  red  metal,  whereof  I  had  a  piece,  which,  at 
the  very  instant,  I  showed  to  Captain  RIBAULT,  which  caused 
his  gold  finer  to  make  an  essay  thereof,  which  reported  unto 
him  that  it  was  perfect  gold.  About  the  time  of  these  confer 
ences,  communings,  and  goings  of  the  kings  of  the  country, 
being  weakened  with  my  former  travel,  and  fallen  into  a  melan 
choly  upon  the  false  reports  that  had  been  made  of  me,  I  fell 
into  a  great*  continual  fever,  which  held  me  eight  or  nine  days, 
during  which  time  Captain  RIBAULT  caused  his  victuals  to  be 
brought  on  shore,  and  bestowed  the  most  part  thereof  in  the 
house  which  my  lieutenant  had  built,  about  two  hundred  paces 


332 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  without  the  fort;  which  he  did,  to  the  end  they  might  be  the 
better  defended  from  the  weather,  and,  likewise,  to  the  intent 
that  the  meal  might  be  nearer  to  the  bakehouse,  which  I  had 
built  of  purpose  in  that  place,  the  better  to  avoid  the  danger  of 
the  fire,  as  I  said  before.  But,  lo !  how  oftentimes  misfortune 
doth  search  and  pursue  us,  even  when  we  think  to  be  at  rest ! 
Lo!  see  what  happened  after  that  Capt.  RIBAULT  had  brought 
up  three  of  his  small  ships  into  the  river,  which  was  the  4th 
of  September.  Six  great  Spanish  ships  arrived  in  the  road, 
where  four  of  our  greatest  ships  remained,  which  cast  anchor, 
assuring  our  men  of  good  amity.  They  asked  how  the  chief 
captains  of  the  enterprise  did,  and  called  them  all  by  their 
names  and  sirnames.  I  report  me  to  you,  if  it  could  be  other 
wise;  but  these  men,  before  they  went  out  of  Spain,  must  needs 
be  informed  of  the  enterprise,  and  of  those  that  were  to  execute 
the  same.  About  the  break  of  day,  they  began  to  make  toward 
our  men ;  but  our  men,  which  trusted  them  never  a  deal,  had 
hoisted  their  sails  by  night,  being  ready  to  cut  the  strings  that 
tied  them ;  wherefore,  perceiving  that  this  making  toward  our 
men  of  the  Spaniards  was  not  to  do  them  any  pleasure,  and, 
knowing  well  that  their  furniture  was  too  small  to  make  head 
against  them,  because  that  the  most  part  of  their  men  were  on 
shore,  they  cut  their  cables,  left  their  anchors,  and  set  sail. 
The  Spaniards,  seeing  themselves  discovered,  lent  them  certain 
volleys  of  their  great  ordnance,  made  sail  after  them,  and  chased 
them  all  day  long ;  but  our  men  got  way  of  them  still  toward 
the  sea.  And  the  Spaniards,  seeing  they  could  not  reach  them, 
by  reason  that  the  French  ships  were  better  of  sail  than  theirs, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  o?o 

and  also,  because  they  would  not  leave  the  coast,  turned  back,       I  564. 

and  went  on  shore,  in   the  river  Seloy,  which   we  call  the   River 

of  Dolphins,  eight  or  ten  leagues   distant  from   the   place  where 

we    were.      Our    men,    therefore,    finding   themselves    better  of 

sail  than  they,  followed  them,  to  descry  what  they  did  ;   which, 

after  they  had  done,  they  returned  unto  the  River  of  May,  where, 

Captain   RIBAULT  having  descried   them,    embarked  himself  in 

a   great   boat,   to    know   what    news    they   had.      Being  at    the 

entrance  of  the  river,  he.  met  with  the  boat  of  Captain  CONSEL'S 

ship,  wherein   there  was  a  good  number  of  men,  which  made 

relation   unto   him   of  all  the   Spaniards'   doings  ;    and  how  the 

great  ship,  named  Trinity,  had   kept  the  sea,  and  that  she  was 

not  returned  with   them.     They  told  him,  moreover,  that  they 

had  seen  three  Spanish  ships  enter  into  the  River  of  Dolphins, 

and   the  other  three  remained  in  the  road  ;    farther,  that  they 

had  put  their  soldiers,  their  victuals,  and  munitions  on  land. 

After  he  understood  these  news,  he  returned  to  the  fortress, 
and  came  to  my  chamber,  where  I  was  sick  ;  and  there,  in  the 
presence  of  Captains  LA  GRANGE,  ST.  MARIE,  OTTIGNI,  VISTY, 
YONOUILLE,  and  other  gentlemen,  he  propounded  that  it  was 
necessary,  for  the  King's  service,  to  embark  himself,  with  all 
his  forces,  and,  with  the  three  ships  that  were  in  the  road,  to 
seek  the  Spanish  fleet ;  whereupon,  he  asked  our  advice.  I 
first  replied,  and  showed  unto  him  the  consequence  of  such  an 
enterprise,  advertising  him,  among  other  things,  of  the  perilous 
flaws  of  wind  that  rise  on  this  coast ;  and  that,  if  it  chanced 
that  he  were  driven  from  the  shore,  it  would  be  very  hard  for 
him  to  recover  it  again,  and  that,  in  the  meanwhile,  they 


334  HISTORICAL    COLLECTIONS  OF 

1504.  which  should  stay  in  the  fort  should  be  in  fear  and  danger. 
The  Captains  ST.  MARIE  and  LA  GRANGE  declared  unto  him, 
further,  that  they  thought  it  not  good  to  put  any  such  enterprise 
in  execution  ;  that  it  was  far  better  to  keep  the  land,  and  do 
their  best  endeavor  to  fortify  themselves  ;  and  that,  after  the 
Trinity  (which  was  the  principal  ship)  were  returned,  there 
would  be  much  more  likelihood  to  enterprise  this  voyage.  This, 
notwithstanding,  he  resolved  to  undertake  it  ;  and  that  which 
more  is,  after  he  understood,  by  King  EMOLA,  one  of  our 
neighbors,  which  arrived,  upon  the  handling  of  these  matters, 
that  the  Spaniards,  in  great  numbers,  were  gone  on  shore,  which 
had  taken  possession  of  the  houses  of  Seloy,  in  the  most  part, 
whereof,  they  had  placed  their  negroes,  which  they  had  brought 
to  labor,  and  also  lodged  themselves,  and  had  cast  divers  trenches 
about  them.  Thus  for  the  considerations  which  he  had — and, 
doubting  (as  he  might  well  do)  that  the  Spaniards  would  en 
camp  themselves  there,  to  molest  us,  and,  in  the  end,  to  chase 
us  out  of  the  country,  he  resolved,  and  continued  in  his  em- 
barkment,  caused  a  proclamation  to  be  made,  that  all  soldiers 
that  were  under  his  charge  should,  presently,  with  their  weap 
ons,  embark  them,  and  that  his  two  ensigns  should  march ; 
which  was  put  in  execution. 

He  came  into  my  chamber,  and  prayed  me  to  lend  him  my 
lieutenant,  mine  ensign,  and  my  Serjeant,  and  to  let  all  the 
good  soldiers  which  I  had  go  with  him — which  I  denied  him  ; 
because,  myself  being  sick,  there  was  no  man  to  stay  in  the  fort. 
Thereupon,  he  answered  me,  that  I  needed  not  to  doubt  at  all, 
and  that  he  would  return  the  morrow  after ;  that,  in  the  mean- 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

while,  M.  DE  LYS  should  stay  behind,  to  look  to  all  things.  I5"4- 
Then  I  showed  unto  him  that  he  was  chief  in  this  country,  and 
that  I,  for  my  part,  had  no  further  authority  ;  that,  therefore, 
he  would  take  good  advisement  what  he  did,  for  fear  lest  some 
inconvenience  might  ensue.  Then  he  told  me  that  he  could 
do  no  less  than  to  continue  this  enterprise ;  and  that  in  the 
letter  which  he  had  received  from  my  Lord  Admiral,  there  was 
a  postscript,  which  he  showed  me,  written  in  these  words  : 

"  Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT,  as  I  was  enclosing  of  this  letter,  I  received  a  certain 
advice,  that  Don  PEDRO  MELENDES  departeth  from  Spain,  to  go  to  the  coast  of  New 
France.  See  you  that  you  suffer  him  not  to  encroach  upon  you,  no  more  than  he 
would  that  you  should  encroach  upon  him." 

"  You  see,"  quoth  he,  "  the  charge  that  I  have ;  and  I 
leave  it  unto  yourself  to  judge  if  you  could  do  any  less  in  this 
case,  considering  the  certain  advertisement  that  we  have,  that 
they  are  already  on  land,  and  will  invade  us." 

This  stopped  my  mouth.  Thus,  therefore,  confirmed,  or 
rather,  obstinate  in  this  enterprise,  and  having  regard  rather 
unto  his  particular  opinion  than  unto  the  advertisements  which 
I  had  given  him,  and  the  inconveniences  of  the  time  whereof  I 
had  forewarned  him,  he  embarked  himself  the  8th  of  September, 
and  took  mine  ensign  and  thirty-eight  of  my  men  away  with 
him.  I  report  me  to  those  that  know  what  wars  mean,  if, 
when  an  ensign  marcheth,  any  soldier  that  hath  any  courage  in 
him  will  stay  behind  to  forsake  his  ensign.  Thus  no  man  of 
commandment  staid  behind  with  me,  for  each  one  followed 
him  as  chief,  in  whose  name,  straight  after  his  arrival,  all  cries 
and  proclamations  were  made.  Captain  LA  GRANGE,  which 


336  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

liked  not  very  well  of  this  enterprise,  was,  unto  the  roth  of  the 
month,  with  me,  and  would  not  have  gone  aboard  if  it  had  not 
been  for  the  instant  requests  Captain  RIBAULT  had  made  unto 
him,  which  staid  two  days  in  the  road  attending,  until  LA 
GRANGE  was  come  unto  him,  who,  being  come  aboard,  they 
set  sail  altogether,  and,  from  that  time  forward,  I  never  saw 
them  more.  The  very  day  that  he  departed,  which  was  the 
loth  of  September,  there  rose  so  great  a  tempest,  accompanied 
with  such  storms,  that,  the  Indians  themselves  assured  me,  it 
was  the  worst  weather  that  ever  was  seen  on  the  coast ;  where 
upon,  two  or  three  days  after,  fearing  lest  our  ships  might  be 
in  some  distress,  I  sent  for  M.  DE  LYS  unto  me,  to  take  order 
to  assemble  the  rest  of  our  people,  to  declare  unto  them  what 
need  we  had  to  fortify  ourselves,  which  was  done  accordingly; 
and  then  I  gave  them  to  understand  the  necessity  and  incon 
veniences  whereinto  we  were  like  to  fall,  as  well  by  the  absence 
of  our  ships  as  by  the  nearness  of  the  Spaniards,  at  whose  hands 
we  could  look  for  no  less  than  an  open  and  sufficient  proclaimed 
war,  seeing  they  had  taken  land,  and  fortified  themselves  so  near 
unto  us  ;  and,  if  any  misfortune  were  fallen  unto  our  men  which 
were  at  sea,  we  ought  to  make  a  full  account  with  ourselves 
that  we  were  to  endure  many  great  miseries,  being  in  so  small 
number,  and  so  many  ways  afflicted  as  we  were.  Thus  every 
one  promised  me  to  take  pains,  and,  therefore,  considering  that 
their  proportion  of  victuals  was  small,  and  that,  so  continuing, 
they  would  not  be  able  to  do  any  great  work,  I  augmented 
their  allowance ;  although  that,  after  the  arrival  of  Captain  RI 
BAULT,  my  portion  of  victuals  was  alloted  unto  me  as  unto  a 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


337 


common  soldier,  neither  was  I  able  to  give  so  much  as  part  of  1 564. 
a  bottle  of  wine  to  any  man  which  deserved  it;  for  I  was  so  far 
from  having  means  to  do  so,  that  the  captain,  himself,  took  two 
of  my  boats  wherein  the  rest  of  the  meal  was,  which  was  left 
me  of  the  biscuits  which  I  caused  to  be  made  to  return  into 
France,  so  that  if  I  should  say  that  I  received  those  favors  at 
the  hands  of  the  Englishmen,  being  strangers  unto  me,  I  should 
say  but  a  truth.  We  began,  therefore,  to  fortify  ourselves, 
and  to  repair  that  which  was  broken  down,  principally  toward 
the  water-side,  where  I  caused  three-score  foot  of  trees  to  be 
planted,  to  repair  the  palisade  with  the  planks  which  I  caused 
to  be  taken  off  the  ship  which  I  had  buiided.  Nevertheless, 
notwithstanding  all  our  diligence  and  travail,  we  were  never 
able  fully  to  repair  it,  by  reason  of  the  storms,  which  commonly 
did  us  so  great  annoy,  that  we  could  not  finish  our  enclosure. 
Perceiving  ourselves  in  such  extremity,  I  took  muster  of  the 
men  which  Captain  RIBAULT  had  left  me,  to  see  if  there  were 
any  that  wanted  weapons;  I  found  nine  or  ten  of  them,  whereof 
not  past  two  or  three  had  ever  drawn  sword  out  of  a  scabbard, 
as  I  think.  Let  them  which  have  been  bold  to  say  that  I  had 
men  enough  left  me  so  that  I  had  means  to  defend  myself,  give 
ear  a  little  now  unto  me,  and,  if  they  have  eyes  in  their  heads, 
let  them  see  what  men  I  had.  Of  the  nine,  there  were  four 
but  young  striplings,  which  served  Captain  RIBAULT,  and  kept 
his  dogs ;  the  fifth  was  a  cook ;  among  those  that  were  without 
the  fort,  and  which  were  of  the  aforesaid  company  of  Captain 
RIBAULT,  there  was  a  carpenter,  of  three-score  years  old;  one, 
a  beer-brewer,  one  old  cross-bow  maker,  two  shoemakers,  and 

43 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  four  or  five  men  that  had  their  wives,  a  player  on  the  virginals, 
two  servants  of  M.  DE  LYS,  one  of  M.  DE  BEAUHAIRE,  one  of 
M.  DE  LA  GRANGE,  and  about  four-score  and  five  or  six  in  all, 
counting  as  well  lackeys  as  women  and  children.  Behold  the 
goodly  troop,  so  sufficient  to  defend  themselves,  and  so  courage 
ous  as  they  have  esteemed  them  to  be;  and,  for  my  part,  I 
leave  it  to  others'  consideration  to  imagine  whether  Captain 
RIBAULT  would  have  left  them  with  me,  to  have  borrowed  my 
men,  if  they  had  been  such.  Those  that  were  left  me  of  mine 
own  company  were  about  sixteen  or  seventeen  that  could  bear 
arms,  and  all  of  them  poor  and  lean ;  the  rest  were  sick  and 
maimed  in  the  conflict  which  my  lieutenant  had  with  UTINA. 
This  view  being  thus  taken,  we  set  our  watches,  whereof  we 
made  two  sentinels,  that  the  soldiers  might  have  one  night  free. 
Then  we  bethought  ourselves  of  those  which  might  be  most 
sufficient,  among  whom  we  chose  two,  one  of  whom  was  named 
M.  ST.  CLER,  and  the  other,  M.  DE  LA  VIGNE,  to  whom  we 
delivered  candles  and  lanterns,  to  go  round  about  the  fort  to 
view  the  watch,  because  of  the  foul  and  foggy  weather.  I 
delivered  them,  also,  a  sand-glass,  or  clock,  that  the  sentinels 
might  not  be  troubled  more  one  than  another.  In  the  mean 
while,  I  ceased  not,  for  all  the  foul  weather,  nor  my  sickness 
which  I  had,  to  oversee  the  corps  de  garde.  The  night  between 
the  i  Qth  and  2Oth  of  September,  LA  VIGNE  kept  watch  with 
his  company,  wherein  he  used  all  endeavor,  although  it  rained 
without  ceasing.  When  the  day  was,  therefore,  come,  and  that 
he  saw  that  it  still  rained  worse  than  it  did  before,  he  pitied  the 
sentinals  so  moiled  and  wet,  and,  thinking  the  Spaniards  would 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  3 39 

not  have  come  in  such  a  strange  time,  he  let  them  depart,  and,  1564. 
to  say  the  truth,  he  went  himself  unto  his  lodging.  In  the 
meanwhile,  one  which  had  something  to  do  without  the  fort, 
and  my  trumpeter,  which  went  up  unto  the  rampart,  perceived 
a  troop  of  Spaniards  which  came  down  from  a  little  knappe^ 
where,  incontinently,  they  began  to  cry  alarm,  and  the  trum 
peter  also,  which,  as  soon  as  ever  I  understood,  forthwith  I 
issued  out,  with  my  target  and  sword  in  my  hand,  and  got  me 
into  the  midst  of  the  court,  where  I  began  to  cry  upon  my 
soldiers.  Some  of  them,  which  were  of  the  forward  sort,  went 
toward  the  breach,  which  was  on  the  south  side,  and  where  the 
munitions  of  the  artillery  lay,  where  they  were  repulsed  and 
slain.  By  the  self-same  place  two  ensigns  entered,  which  im 
mediately  were  planted  on  the  walls.  Two  other  ensigns  also 
entered  on  the  other  side,  towards  the  west,  where  there  was 
another  breach,  and  those  which  were  lodged  in  this  quarter, 
and  which  showed  themselves,  were  likewise  defeated. 


340 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XVII. 


1564. 


S  I  went  to  succor  them  which  were 
defending  the  breach  on  the  south-west 
side,  I  encountered,  by  chance,  a  great 
company  of  Spaniards,  which  had  al- 

g^°gggpggg^g||  ready  repulsed  our  men,  and  were  now 
entered,  which  drove  me  back  unto  the  court  of  the  fort. 
Being  there,  I  espied  with  them,  one  called  FRANCIS  JEAN, 
which  was  one  of  the  mariners  which  stole  away  my  barks, 
and  had  guided  and  conducted  the  Spaniards  thither.  As  soon 
as  he  saw  me,  he  began  to  say  :  "  This  is  the  captain."  This 
troop  was  led  by  a  captain,  whose  name,  as  I  think,  was  Don 
PEDRO  MELENDES.  These  made  certain  pushes  at  me  with 
their  pikes,  which  lighted  on  my  target.  But,  perceiving  that 
I  was  not  able  to  withstand  so  great  a  company,  and  that  the 
court  was  already  won,  and  their  ensigns  planted  on  the  ram 
parts,  and  that  I  had  never  a  man  about  me,  saving  one,  only, 
whose  name  was  BARTHOLOMEW,  I  entered  into  the  yard  of  my 
lodging,  into  which  they  followed  me,  and,  had  it  not  been  for 
a  tent  that  was  set  up,  I  had  been  taken  ;  but,  the  Spaniards 
which  followed  me  were  occupied  in  cutting  off  the  cords  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  ^ 

the  tent ;  and,  in  the  meanwhile,  I  saved  myself  by  the  breach,       1564. 
which  was  on  the  west  side,  near  unto   my  lieutentant's   lodging  " 
and  gateway,  into  the  woods,  where  I  found  certain  of  my  men, 
which  were  escaped,  of  which  number  there  were  three  or  four 
which  were  sore  hurt. 

Then  spake  I  thus  unto  them  :  "  Sirs,  since  it  hath  pleased 
GOD  that  this  mischance  is  happened  unto  us,  we  must  needs 
take  the  pains  to  get  over  the  marshes,  into  the  ships,  which  are 
at  the  mouth  of  the  river." 

Some  would  needs  go  to  a  little  village,  which  was  in  the 
woods,  the  rest  followed  me  through  the  reeds,  in  the  water, 
where,  being  able  to  go  no  farther,  by  reason  of  my  sickness 
which  I  had,  I  sent  two  of  my  men,  which  were  with  me, 
which  could  swim  well,  unto  the  ships,  to  advertise  them  of 
that  which  had  happened,  and  to  send  them  word  to  come  and 
help  me.  They  were  not  able,  that  day,  to  get  unto  the  ships, 
to  certify  them,  thereof,  so  I  was  constrained  to  stand  in  the 
water  up  to  the  shoulders,  all  that  night  long,  with  one  of  my 
men,  which  would  never  forsake  me.  The  next  day  morning, 
being  scarcely  able  to  draw  my  breath  any  more,  I  betook  me 
to  my  prayers,  with  the  soldier  that  was  with  me,  whose  name 
was  JOHN  DU  CHEMIN  ;  for  I  felt  myself  so  feeble,  that  I  was 
afraid  I  should  die  suddenly ;  and,  in  truth,  if  he  had  not 
embraced  me  in  both  his  arms,  and  so  held  me  up,  it  had  not 
been  possible  to  save  me. 

After  we  had  made  an  end  of  our  prayers,  I  heard  a  voice, 
which,  in  my  judgment,  was  one  of  theirs  which  I  had  sent, 
which  were  over  against  the  ships,  and  called  for  the  ship's 


342 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  boat,  which  was  so  in  need;  and,  because  those  of  the  ships 
had  understanding  of  the  taking  of  the  fort,  by  one  called  JOHN 
DE  HAIS,  master-carpenter,  which  fled  unto  them  in  a  shallop, 

they   had  set   sail  to  run  along  the   coast,   to   see  if  they  might 

• 

save  any,  wherein,  doubtless,  they  did  very  well  their  endeavor. 
They  went  straight  to  the  place  where  the  two  men  were, 
which  I  had  sent,  and  which  called  them.  As  soon  as  they 
had  received  them  in,  and  understood  where  I  was,  they  came, 
and  found  me  in  a  pitiful  condition.  Five  or  six  of  them  took 
me,  and  carried  me  into  the  shallop  ;  some  of  the  mariners  took 
their  clothes  from  their  backs,  to  lend  them  me,  and  would 
have  carried  me  presently  to  their  ships,  to  give  me  a  little 
aqua  vitte.  Howbeit,  I  would  not  go  thither,  until  I  had  first 
gone  with  the  boat  along  the  reeds,  to  seek  out  the  poor  souls 
which  were  scattered  abroad,  where  we  gathered  up  eighteen  or 
twenty  of  them.  The  last  that  I  took  in  was  the  nephew  of 
the  treasurer,  LE  BEAU.  After  we  were  all  come  to  the  ships, 
I  comforted  them  as  well  as  I  could,  and  sent  back  the  boat 
again  with  speed,  to  see  if  they  could  find  yet  any  more.  Upon 
her  return,  the  mariners  told  me  how  that  Captain  JAMES  Ri- 
BAULT,  which  was  in  his  ship,  about  two  muskets-shot  distant 
from  the  fort,  had  parleyed  with  the  Spaniards,  and  that  FRANCIS 
JEAN  came  unto  his  ship,  where  he  stayed  a  long  space,  whereat 
they  greatly  marvelled,  considering  he  was  the  cause  of  this 
enterprise,  how  he  would  let  him  escape.  After  I  was  come 
into  the  ship,  called  The  Greyhound^  Captain  JAMES  RIBAULT 
and  Captain  VALUST  came  to  see  me,  and  there  we  concluded 
to  return  into  France.  Now,  forasmuch  as  I  found  the  ship 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

unfurnished  of  captain,  pilot,  master,  and  master's-mate,  I  gave 
advice  to  chose  out  one  of  the  most  able  men  among  all  the 
mariners,  and  that  by  their  own  voices.  I  took  also  five  men 
out  of  another  small  ship  which  we  had  sunk,  because  it  wanted 
ballast,  and  could  not  be  saved.  Thus  I  increased  the  furniture 
of  the  ship  wherein  I  was  myself  embarked,  and  made  one, 
which  had  been  master's-mate  in  the  foresaid  small  ship,  master 
of  mine.  And,  because  I  lacked  a  pilot,  I  prayed  JAMES 
RIBAULT  that  he  would  grant  me  one  of  the  four  men  that  he 
had  in  his  ship,  which  I  should  name  unto  him,  to  serve  me  for 
a  pilot.  He  promised  to  give  me  them,  which,  nevertheless,  he 
did  not  at  the  instant  when  we  were  ready  to  depart,  notwith 
standing  all  the  speech  I  used  to  him,  in  declaring  that  it  was 
for  the  King's  service.  I  was  constrained  to  leave  the  ship 
behind  me,  which  I  had  bought  of  the  English  captain,  because 
I  wanted  men  to  bring  her  away;  for  Captain  JAMES  RIBAULT 
had  taken  away  her  furniture;  I  took  away  her  ordnance  only, 
which  was  all  dismounted,  whereof  I  gave  nine  pieces  to  JAMES 
RIBAULT  to  carry  into  France,  the  other  five  I  put  into  my  ship. 
The  25th  of  September,  we  set  sail  to  return  into  France, 
and  Captain  JAMES  RIBAULT  and  I  kept  company  all  that  day 
and  the  next,  until  three  or  four  of  the  clock  in  the  afternoon ; 
but,  because  his  ship  was  better  at  bowline  than  ours,  he  kept 
him  to  the  wind,  and  left  us  the  same  day.  Thus  we  continued 
our  voyage,  wherein  we  had  marvellous  flaws  of  wind ;  and, 
about  the  28th  of  October,  in  the  morning,  at  the  break  of  day, 
we  descried  the  Isle  of  Flores,  and  one  of  the  Azores,  where, 
immediately  upon  our  approaching  to  the  land,  we  had  a  mighty 


344 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


1564.  gust  of  wind,  which  came  from  the  north-east,  which  caused  us 
to  bear  against  it  four  days ;  afterwards,  the  wind  came  south 
and  south-east,  and  was  always  variable.  In  all  the  time  of  our 
passage,  we  had  none  other  food  saving  biscuit  and  water. 
About  the  loth  or  nth  of  November,  after  we  had  sailed  a 
long  time,  and,  supposing  we  were  not  far  from  land,  I  caused 
my  men  to  sound,  where  they  found  three-score  and  fifteen 
fathoms  of  water,  whereat  we  all  rejoiced,  and  praised  GOD, 
because  we  had  sailed  so  prosperously.  Immediately  after,  I 
caused  them  to  set  sail  again,  and  so  continued  our  way;  but, 
forasmuch  as  we  had  borne  too  much  toward  the  north-east,  we 
entered  into  Saint  George's  Channel,  a  place  much  feared  of  by 
all  sailors,  and  where  so  many  ships  are  cast  away ;  but  it  was 
a  fair  gift  of  GOD  that  we  entered  in  it  when  the  weather  was 
clear.  We  sailed  all  the  night,  supposing  we  had  been  shot 
into  the  narrow  sea  between  England  and  France,  and,  by  the 
next  day,  to  reach  Dieppe,  but  we  were  deceived  of  our  longing; 
for,  about  two  or  three  of  the  clock  after  midnight,  as  I  walked 
upon  the  hatches,  I  descried  land  round  about  me,  whereat  we 
were  astonished.  Immediately  I  caused  them  to  strike  sail,  and 
sound;  we  found  we  had  not  under  us  past  eight  fathoms  of 
water,  whereupon  I  commanded  them  to  stay  till  break  of  day, 
which  being  come,  and  seeing,  my  mariners,  told  me  that  they 
knew  not  this  land,  I  commanded  them  to  approach  unto  it. 
Being  near  thereunto,  I  made  them  cast  anchor,  and  sent  the 
boat  on  shore,  to  understand  in  what  country  we  were.  Word 
was  brought  that  we  were  in  Wales,  a  province  of  England. 
I  went  incontinently  on  land,  where,  after  I  had  taken  the  air, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


04.5 


a  sickness  took  me,  whereof  I  thought  I  should  have  died.  In 
the  meanwhile,  I  caused  the  ship  to  be  brought  into  the  bay  of 
a  small  town,  called  Swansea,  where  I  found  merchants  of  S. 
Malo,  which  lent  me  money,  wherewith  I  made  certain  apparel 
for  myself,  and  part  for  my  company  that  was  with  me;  and, 
because  there  were  no  victuals  in  the  ship,  I  bought  two  wren, 
and  salted  them,  and  a  tun  of  beer,  which  I  delivered  into  his 
hands  which  had  charge  of  the  ship,  praying  him  to  carry  it  into 
France,  which  he  promised  me  to  do.  For  mine  own  part,  I 
purposed,  with  my  men,  to  pass  by  land  ;  and,  after  I  had  taken 
leave  of  my  mariners,  I  departed  from  Swansea,  and  came,  that 
night,  with  my  company,  to  a  place  called  Morgan,  where  the 
lord  of  the  place,  understanding  what  I  was,  staid  me  with  him 
for  the  space  of  six  or  seven  days  ;  and,  at  my  departure,  moved 
with  pity  to  see  me  go  on  foot,  especially  being  so  weak  as  I 
was,  gave  me  a  little  hackney. 

Thus  I  passed  on  my  journey  —  first  to  Bristol,  and  then  to 
London,  where  I  went  to  do  my  duty  to  M.  DE  Foix,  which, 
for  the  present,  was  the  King's  ambassador,  and  helped  me  with 
money  in  my  necessity.  From  thence  I  passed  to  Calais,  after 
ward  to  Paris,  where  I  was  informed  that  the  King  was  gone 
to  Moulins,  to  sojourn  there  ;  incontinently,  and  with  all  the 
haste  I  could  possibly  make,  I  got  me  thither,  with  part  of  my 
company.  Thus,  briefly,  you  see  the  discourse  of  all  that  hap 
pened  in  New  France,  since  the  time  it  pleased  the  King's 
Majesty  to  send  his  subjects  thither  to  discover  those  parts. 
The  indifferent  and  unpassionate  readers  may  easily  weigh  the 
truth  of  my  doings,  and  be  upright  judges  of  the  endeavor  which 

44 


346  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1564.  I  there  used.  For  mine  own  part,  I  will  not  accuse,  nor  excuse 
any;  it  sufficeth  me  to  have  followed  the  truth  of  the  history, 
whereof  many  are  able  to  bear  witness,  which  were  there  pres- 

* 

ent.  I  will  plainly  say  one  thing — that  the  long  delay  that 
Captain  JOHN  RIBAULT  used  in  his  embarking,  and  the  fifteen 
days  that  he  spent  in  roving  along  the  coast  of  Florida  before 
he  came  to  our  fort  (Caroline),  were  the  cause  of  the  loss  we 
sustained;  for  he  discovered  the  coast  on  the  I4th  of  August, 
and  spent  the  time  in  going  from  river  to  river,  which  had  been 
sufficient  for  him  to  have  discharged  his  ships  in,  and  for  me  to 
have  embarked  myself  to  have  returned  into  France.  I  note 
well  that  all  that  he  did  was  upon  a  good  intent;  yet,  in  mine 
opinion,  he  should  have  had  more  regard  unto  his  charge  than 
to  the  devices  of  his  own  brain,  which,  sometimes,  he  printed 
in  his  head  so  deeply,  that  it  was  very  hard  to  put  them  out, 
which  also  turned  to  his  utter  undoing;  for  he  was  no  sooner 
departed  from  us  but  a  tempest  took  him,  which,  in  fine, 
wrecked  him  upon  the  coast,  where  all  his  ships  were  cast 
away ;  and  he,  with  much  ado,  escaped  drowning,  to  fall  into 
their  hands,  which  cruelly  massacred  him  and  all  his  company. 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


347 


CHAPTER     XVIII. 


FOURTH    EXPEDITION  TO  FLORIDA  IN   1567,  COMMANDED 
BY  THE   CHEVALIER  DE  GOURGUES. 

ijebalter  tre  ©aurgues,  a  gentleman 

born  in  the  country,  near  unto  Bordeaux^ 
incited  with  a  desire  of  revenge  to  repair 
the  honor  of  his  nation,  borrowed  of  his 
friends,  and  sold  part  of  his  own  goods, 
to  set  forth,  and  furnish  three  ships,  of 
indifferent  burthen,  with  all  things  necessary — having  in  them 
.an  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  and  four-score  chosen  mariners, 
under  Captain  CAZENOVE,  his  lieutenant,  and  FRANCIS  BOUR- 
'.DELOIS,  master  over  the  mariners.  He  set  forth  on  the  22d 
of  August,  1567,  and,  having  endured  contrary  winds  and 
storms  for  a  season,  he  at  length  arrived,  and  went  on  shore  in 
the  Isle  of  Cuba.  From  thence  he  passed  to  the  Cape  of  St. 
Anthony,  at  the  end  of  the  Isle  of  Cuba^  about  two  hundred 
leagues  distant  from  Florida,  where  the  captain  disclosed  unto 
them  his  intention,  which  hitherto  he  had  concealed  from  them, 
praying  and  exhorting  them  not  to  leave  him,  being  so  near  the 
enemy,  so  well  furnished,  and  in  such  a  cause;  which  they  all 


348  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1567-  sware  unto  him,  and  that  with  such  courage,  that  they  would 
not  stay  the  full  moon  to  pass  the  channel  of  Bahama,  but 
speedily  discovered  Florida,  where  the  Spaniards  saluted  him 
with  two  cannon-shot  from  their  fort,  supposing  that  they  had 
been  of  their  nation;  and  GOURGUES  saluted  them  again,  to 
entertain  them  in  this  error,  that  he  might  surprise  them  at 
more  advantage,  yet  sailing  by  them,  and  making  as  though  he 
went  to  some  other  place,  until  he  had  sailed  out  of  sight  of  the 
place;  so  that,  about  evening,  he  landed  fifteen  leagues  from 
the  fort,  at  the  mouth  of  the  river  Tacatacouru,  which  the 
Frenchmen  called  Seine,  because  they  thought  it  to  be  like  the 
Seine,  in  France.  Afterward,  perceiving  the  shore  to  be  cov 
ered  with  savages,  with  their  bows  and  arrows  (besides  the  sign 
of  peace  and  amity  which  he  made  them  from  his  ships),  he 
sent  his  trumpeter  to  assure  them  that  they  were  come  thither 
for  none  other  end  but  to  renew  the  amity  and  ancient  league 
of  the  French  with  them.  The  trumpeter  did  his  message  so 
well  (by  reason  he  had  been  there  before,  under  Laudonniere), 
that  he  brought  back  from  King  SATOURIOUA  (the  greatest  of 
all  the  other  kings)  a  kid,  and  other  meat,  to  refresh  us,  besides 
the  offer  of  his  friendship  and  amity.  Afterward,  they  retired, 
dancing,  in  sign  of  joy,  to  advertise  all  the  kings  (SATOURIOUA'S 
kinsmen)  to  repair  thither  the  next  day,  to  make  a  league  of 
amity  with  the  Frenchmen.  Whereupon,  in  the  meanwhile, 
our  general  went  about  to  sound  the  channel  of  the  river,  to 
bring  in  his  ships,  and  the  better  to  traffic  and  deal  with  the 
savages,  of  whom  the  chiefs,  the  next  day,  in  the  morning, 
presented  themselves — namely,  the  great  King  SATOURIOUA, 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  .  ^49 

TECATACOUROU,  HALMACANIR,  ATHORE,  HARPAHA,  HELMA-  1567. 
CAPE,  HELICOPILE,  MOLLOUA,  and  others,  his  kinsmen  and 
allies,  with  their  accustomed  weapons.  Then  sent  they  to 
entreat  the  French  general  to  come  on  shore,  which  he  caused 
his  men  to  do,  with  their  swords  and  harquebuses,  which  he 
made  them  leave  behind  them,  in  token  of  mutual  assurance, 
leaving  his  men  but  their  swords  only,  after  that  the  savages, 
complaining  thereof,  had  left,  and  likewise  sent  away  their 
weapons  at  the  request  of  GOURGUES.  This  done,  SATOURIOUA, 
going  to  meet  him,  caused  him  to  sit  on  his  right  hand,  in  a 
seat  of  wood  of  lentisque,  covered  with  moss,  made  of  purpose 
like  unto  his  own.  Then  two  of  the  eldest  of  the  company 
pulled  up  the  brambles  and  other  weeds  which  were  before 
them,  and,  after  they  had  made  the  place  very  clean,  they  all 
sat  round  about  them  on  the  ground.  Afterward,  GOURGUES, 
being  about  to  speak,  SATOURIOUA  prevented  him,  declaring  at 
large,  unto  him,  the  incredible  wrongs  and  continual  outrages 
that  all  the  savages,  their  wives,  and  children  had  received  of 
the  Spaniards  since  their  coming  into  the  country,  and  mas 
sacring  of  the  Frenchmen,  with  their  continual  desire,  if  we 
would  assist  them,  thoroughly  to  revenge  so  shameful  a  treason, 
as  well  as  their  own  particular  griefs,  for  the  firm  good  will  they 
always  had  borne  unto  the  Frenchmen. 

Whereupon  GOURGUES,  giving  them  his  faith,  and  making  a 
league  between  them  and  him  with  an  oath,  gave  them  certain 
presents  of  daggers,  knives,  looking-glasses,  hatchets,  rings, 
bells,  and  such  other  things,  trifles  unto  us,  but  precious 
unto  these  kings;  which,  moreover,  seeing  his  great  liberality, 


350 


HISTORICAL   COLLECTIONS  OF 


1567.  demanded,  each  one,  a  shirt  of  him,  to  wear  only  on  their 
festival  days,  and  to  be  buried  in  at  their  death.  Which  things, 
after  that  they  had  received,  and  SATOURIOUA  had  given  in 
recompense  to  Captain  GOURGUES  two  chains  of  silver  grains 
which  hung  about  his  neck,  and  each  of  the  kings  certain 
deer-skins,  dressed  after  their  manner,  they  retired  themselves, 
dancing  and  very  jocund,  with  promise  to  keep  all  things 
secret,  and  to  bring  unto  the  said  place  good  companies  of 
their  subjects,  all  well  armed,  to  be  avenged  thoroughly  on 
the  Spaniards.  In  the  meanwhile,  GOURGUES  very  narrowly 
examined  PETER  DE  BREBORN,  in  Newkaven,  which,  being  but 
a  young  stripling,  escaped  out  of  the  fort  into  the  woods,  while 
the  Spaniards  murdered  the  rest  of  the  French,  and  was,  after 
wards,  brought  up  with  SATOURIOUA,  which,  at  that  time, 
bestowed  him  on  our  general,  whose  advice  stood  him  in  great 
stead ;  whereupon  he  sent  to  discover  the  fort,  and  the  estate  of 
the  enemies,  by  certain  of  his  men,  being  guided  by  OLOTA- 
CARA  (SATOURIOUA'S  nephew),  which  he  had  given  him  for 
this  purpose,  and  for  assurance  of  ESTAMPES,  a  gentleman  of 
Cominges^  and  others,  which  he  sent  to  descry  the  state  of  the 
enemies.  Moreover,  he  gave  him  a  son  of  his,  stark  naked,  as 
all  of  them  are,  and  his  wife,  which  he  loved  best  of  all  the 
rest,  of  eighteen  years  old,  apparaled  with  the  moss  of  trees, 
which,  for  three  days'  space,  were  in  the  ships,  until  our  men 
returned  from  descrying  the  state  of  the  enemy,  and  the  kings 
had  furnished  their  preparation  at  their  rendezvous. 

Their  marching  being  concluded,  and  the  savages'  rendezvous 
being  appointed  them  beyond  the  river  Salinacani  (of  our  men 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  35  , 

called  Somme),  they  all  drank,  with  great  solemnity,  their  drink, 
called  cassine,  made  of  the  juice  of  certain  herbs  (as  they  are 
wont  to  do  when  they  go  to  any  place  of  danger),  which  hath 
such  force,  that  it  taketh  from  them  hunger  and  thirst  for 
twenty-four  hours,  and  GOURGUES  was  fain,  as  though  he  drank, 
thereof,  for  company.  Afterward,  they  lifted  up  their  hands, 
and  sware  all,  that  they  would  never  forsake  him ;  OLOTOCARA 
followed  him,  with  pike  in  hand.  Being  all  met  at  the  river 
Sarauabi  (not  without  great  trouble,  by  reason  of  the  rain  and 
places  full  of  water,  which  they  must  needs  pass,  which  hin 
dered  their  passage),  they  were  distressed  with  famine — finding 
nothing,  by  the  way,  to  eat,  their  bark  of  provision  being  not 
arrived,  which  was  to  come  unto  him  from  the  ships,  the  over 
sight  and  charge  whereof  he  had  left  unto  BURDELOIS,  with  the 
rest  of  the  mariners. 

Now,  he  had  learned  that  the  Spaniards  were  four  hundred 
strong,  being  divided  into  three  forts,  builded  and  flanked,  and 
well  fortified  upon  the  River  of  May — the  great  fort,  specially 
began  by  the  French,  and,  afterward,  repaired  by  them,  upon 
the  most  dangerous  and  principal  landing-place,  whereof,  two 
leagues  lower,  and  nearer  toward  the  river's  mouth,  they  had 
made  two  smaller  forts,  which  were  defended — the  river  passing 
between  them,  with  six-score  soldiers,  good  store  of  artillery, 
and  other  munition,  which  they  had  in  the  same.  From  Sara- 
cary,  unto  these  small  forts,  was  two  leagues'  space,  which  he 
found  very  painful,  because  of  the  bad  ways  and  continual  rain. 
Afterward,  he  departed  from  the  river  Catacouru,  with  ten  shot, 
to  view  the  first  fort,  and  to  assault  it  the  next  day,  in  the 


352  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

morning,  by  the  break  of  day,  which  he  could  not  do,  because 
of  the  foul  weather  and  darkness  of  the  night. 

King  HELICOPILE,  seeing  him  out  of  quiet,  in  that  he  had 
failed  of  his  purpose  there,  assured  him  to  guide  him  a  more 
easy  way,  though  it  were  farther  about ;  insomuch,  as  leading 
him  through  the  woods,  he  brought  him  within  sight  of  the 
fort,  where  he  discerned  one  quarter,  which  was  but  begun  to 
be  entrenched.  Thus,  after  he  had  sounded  the  small  river 
that  falleth  down  thereby,  he  staid  until  ten  of  the  clock  in  the 
morning,  for  an  ebb-water,  that  his  men  might  pass  over  there 
unto  a  place  where  he  had  seen  a  little  grove,  between  the  river 
and  the  fort  (that  he  might  not  be  seen  to  pass,  and  set  his 
soldiers  in  array),  causing  them  to  fasten  their  stalks  to  their 
morions,  and  to  hold  up  their  swords  and  kalivers  in  their  hands, 
for  fear  lest  the  water,  which  reached  up  to  their  girdles, 
should  not  wet  them,  where  they  found  such  abundance  of 
great  oysters  and  shells,  which  were  so  sharp,  that  many  had 
their  legs  cut  with  them,  and  many  others  lost  their  shoes. 
Notwithstanding,  as  soon  as  they  were  passed  over,  with  a 
French  courage,  they  prepared  themselves  for  the  assault,  on 
the  Sunday  eve  next  after  Easter-day,  in  April,  1568.  Inso 
much,  that  GOURGUES,  to  employ  the  ardent  heat  of  this  good 
affection,  gave  twenty  shot  to  his  lieutenant  (CAZENOVE),  and 
ten  mariners,  laden  with  pots  and  balls  of  wild-fire  to  burn 
the  gate,  and  then  he  assaulted  the  fort  on  another  side,  after  he 
had  made  a  short  speech  unto  his  men  of  the  strange  treasons 
which  the  Spaniards  had  played  their  companions.  But,  being 
descried  as  they  came,  holding  down  their  heads,  within  two 


AND  FLORIDA.  253 

hundred  paces  from  the  fort,  the  gunner,  being  upon  the  terrace  15*67. 
of  the  fort,  after  he  had  cried  "Arm!  arm!  these  be  French 
men!"  discharged  twice  upon  them  a  culverin,  whereon  the 
arms  of  France  were  graven,  which  had  been  taken  from  Lau- 
donniere;  but,  as  he  went  about  to  charge  it  the  third  time, 
OLOTOCARA,  which  had  not  learned  to  keep  his  rank,  or,  rather, 
moved  with  rage,  leapt  on  the  platform,  and  thrust  him  through 
the  body  with  his  pike,  and  slew  him.  Whereupon  GOURGUES 
advanced  forward,  and,  after  he  had  heard  CAZENOVE  cry  that 
the  Spaniards,  which  issued  out  armed  at  the  cry  of  the  alarm, 
were  fled,  he  drew  to  that  part,  and  so  hemmed  them  in 
between  him  and  his  lieutenant,  that,  of  three-score,  there 
escaped  not  a  man,  saving  only  fifteen,  reserved  unto  the  same 
death  which  they  had  put  the  French  unto,  The  Spaniards  of 
the  other  fort,  in  the  meanwhile,  ceased  not  to  play  with  their 
ordnance,  which  much  annoyed  their  assailants — although  to 
answer  them,  they  had,  by  this,  placed,  and  oftentimes,  the  four 
pieces  found  in  the  first  fort. 

Whereupon  GOURGUES,  being  accompanied  with  four-score 
shot,  went  aboard  the  bark,  which  met  him  there  to  good  pur 
pose,  to  pass  into  the  wood  near  unto  the  fort,  out  of  which  he 
supposed  the  Spaniards  would  issue,  to  save  themselves,  through 
the  benefit  of  the  woods,  in  the  great  fort,  which  was  not  past 
one  league  distant  from  the  same.  Afterward,  the  savages,  not 
staying  for  the  return  of  the  bark,  leapt  all  into  the  water, 
holding  up  their  bows  and  arrows  in  one  hand,  and  swimming 
with  the  other,  so  that  the  Spaniards,  seeing  both  the  shores 
covered  with  so  great  a  number  of  men,  thought  to  flee  towards 

45 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

tne  woods;  but,  being  charged  by  the  French,  and,  afterwards, 
repulsed  by  the  savages,  towards  whom  they  would  have  retired, 
they  were  sooner,  than  they  would,  bereft  of  their  lives.  To 
conclude,  they  all  there  ended  their  days,  saving  fifteen  of  those, 
which  were  reserved  to  be  executed  for  the  example  of  others. 
Whereupon,  Captain  GOURGUES,  having  caused  all  that  he 
found  in  the  second  fort  to  be  transported  unto  the  first,  where 
he  meant  to  strengthen  himself  to  take  resolution  against  the 
great  fort,  the  state,  whereof,  he  did  not  understand ;  in  fine,  a 
Serjeant  of  a  band,  one  of  the  prisoners,  assured  him  that  they 
might  be  there  very  near  three  hundred,  well  furnished,  under  a 
brave  governor,  which  had  fortified  there,  attending  further 
succors. 

Thus,  having  obtained  of  him  the  platform,  the  height,  the 
fortification,  and  passages  unto  it,  and,  having  prepared  eight 
good  lathers,  and  raised  all  the  country  against  the  Spaniards, 
that  he  might  not  have  news,  nor  succors,  nor  retreat,  on  any 
side,  he  determined  to  march  forward.  In  the  meanwhile,  the 
governor  sent  a  Spaniard,  disguised  like  a  savage,  to  spy  out 
the  state  of  the  French  ;  and,  though  he  were  discovered  by 
OLOTOCARA,  yet  he  used  all  the  cunning  he  could  possibly  to 
persuade  them  that  he  was  one  of  the  second  fort,  out  of  which 
having  escaped,  and,  seeing  none  but  savages  on  every  side,  he 
hoped  more  in  the  Frenchmen's  than  their  mercy,  unto  whom  he 
came  to  yield  himself,  disguised  like  a  savage,  for  fear  lest,  if  he 
should  have  been  known,  he  should  have  been  massacred  by 
those  barbarians.  But  the  spy,  being  brought  face  to  face  with 
the  serjeant  of  the  band,  and  convicted  to  be  one  of  the  great 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

fort,  was  reserved  until  another  time,  after  that  he  had  assured  1567. 
GOURGUES,  that  the  bruit  was,  that  he  had  two  thousand 
Frenchmen  with  him,  for  fear  of  whom  the  two  hundred  and 
three-score  Spaniards,  which  remained  in  the  great  fort,  were 
greatly  astonished.  Whereupon  GOURGUES,  being  resolved  to 
set  upon  them  while  they  were  thus  amazed,  and,  leaving  his 
standard-bearer  and  a  captain,  with  fifteen  shot,  to  keep  the 
fort  and  the  entry  of  the  river,  he  caused  the  savages  to  depart 
by  night,  to  lay  in  ambush  within  the  woods,  on  both  sides 
of  the  river  ;  then  he  departed  in  the  morning,  leaving  the  ser- 
jeant,  and  the  spy,  fast  bound,  along  with  him,  to  show  him 
that,  indeed,  which  they  had  only  made  him  understand  before, 
by  painting. 


356 


HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 


CHAPTER     XIX. 


If 67.         ISHBBTf^1HK''SS"    ^  t*ie^  marcnec^  OLOTOCARA,  a  resolute 

savage,  which  never  left  the  captain, 
said  unto  him,  that  he  had  served  him 
faithfully,  and  done  whatsoever  he  had 
commanded  him;  that  he  was  assured 
to  die  in  the  conflict  at  the  great  fort ; 

wherein,  nevertheless,  he  would  not  fail,  though  it  were  to 
save  his  life ;  but  he  prayed  him  to  give  unto  his  wife,  if  he 
escaped  not,  which  he  had  meant  to  bestow  on  him,  that  she 
might  bury  the  same  with  him,  that  thereby  he  might  be 
better  welcome  unto  the  village  of  the  souls,  or  spirits  de 
parted.  To  whom  Captain  GOURGUES  answered,  that  he  had 
commended  his  faithful  valor,  the  love  towards  his  wife,  and 
his  noble  care  of  immortal  honor;  that  he  desired  rather  to 
honor  him  alive  than  dead  ;  and  that,  by  GOD'S  help,  he  would 
bring  him  home  again  with  victory. 

After  the  discovery  of  the  fort,  the  Spaniards  were  no  niggards 
of  their  cannon-shot,  nor  of  two  double  culverins,  which,  being 
mounted  upon  a  bulwark,  commanded  all  along  the  river,  which 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 

made  Captain  GOURGUES  to  get  to  the  hill  covered  with  wood,  1567, 
at  the  foot  whereof  the  fort  beginneth,  and  the  forest,  or  wood, 
continueth  and  stretcheth  forth  beyond  it,  so  that  he  had  suffi 
cient  coverture  to  approach  thereunto,  without  offence.  He 
purposed,  also,  to  remain  there  until  the  morning,  wherein  he 
was  resolved  to  assault  the  Spaniards,  by  scaling  their  walls,  on 
the  side  toward  the  hill,  where  the  trench  seemed  not  suffi 
ciently  flanked  for  the  defence  of  the  courtains,  and  from  whence 
part  of  his  men  might  draw  them  that  were  besieged,  which 
should  show  themselves,  to  defend  the  rampart,  while  the  rest 
were  coming  up.  But  the  governor  hastened  his  unhappy  des 
tiny,  causing  three-score  shot  to  sally  forth,  which,  passing 
through  the  trenches,  advanced  forward,  to  descry  the  number 
and  valor  of  the  French  :  whereof  twenty,  under  the  conduct 
of  CAZENOVE,  getting  between  the  fort  and  them,  which  now 
were  issued  forth,  cut  off  their  repassage,  while  GOURGUES  com 
manded  the  rest  to  charge  them  in  the  front,  but  not  to  dis 
charge,  but  near  at  hand,  and  so  that  they  might  be  sure  to  hit 
them — that  afterward,  with  more  ease,  they  might  cut  them  in 
pieces  with  their  swords  ;  so  that,  turning  their  backs  as  soon 
as  they  were  charged,  and  compassed  in  by  his  lieutenant,  they 
remained  all  slain  upon  the  place  j  whereat  the  rest  that  were 
besieged  were  so  astonished,  that  they  knew  no  other  means  to 
save  their  lives  but  by  fleeing  into  the  woods  adjoining ;  where, 
nevertheless,  being  encountered  again  by  the  arrows  of  the 
savages,  which  lay  in  wait  there  for  them  (whereof  one  ran 
through  the  target  and  body  of  a  Spaniard,  which  therewithal 
fell  down  stark  dead),  some  were  constrained  to  turn  back, 


358  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

choosing  rather  to  die  by  the  hand  of  the  French,  which 
pursued  them — assuring  themselves  that  none  of  them  could 
find  any  favor,  neither  with  the  one  nor  the  other  nation, 
whom  they  had,  alike,  and  so  out  of  measure,  cruelly  entreated 
— saving  those  which  were  reserved  to  be  an  example  for  the 
time  to  come. 

The  fort,  when  it  was  taken,  was  found  well  provided  of  all 
necessaries  ;  namely,  of  five  double  culverins,  and  four  mynlons, 
with  divers  other  small  pieces,  of  all  sorts,  and  eighteen  gross 
cakes  of  gunpowder  ;  all  sorts  of  weapons,  which  GOURGUES 
caused,  with  speed,  to  be  embarked,  saving  tha  powder  and 
other  moveables,  by  reason  it  was  all  consumed  by  fire,  through 
the  negligence  of  a  savage,  which,  in  seething  of  his  fish,  set 
fire  on  a  train  of  powder,  which  was  made  and  holden  by 
the  Spaniards,  to  have  feasted  the  French,  at  the  first  assault, 
thus  blowing  up  the  storehouse,  and  the  other  houses,  built 
of  pine  trees.  The  rest  of  the  Spaniards  being  led  away  pris 
oners  with  the  others,  after  that  the  general  had  showed  them 
the  wrong  which  they  had  done,  without  occasion,  to  all  the 
French  nation,  were  all  hanged  on  the  boughs  of  the  same 
trees  whereon  the  Frenchmen  hung — of  which  number  five 
were  hanged  by  one  Spaniard ;  which,  perceiving  himself  in 
like  miserable  estate,  confessed  his  fault,  and  the  just  judgment 
which  GOD  had  brought  upon  him. 

But,  instead  of  the  writing  which  PEDRO  MELENDES  had 
hanged  over  them,  importing  these  words,  in  Spanish:  "I  do 
not  this  as  unto  Frenchmen,  but  as  unto  Lutherans"  GOUR 
GUES  caused  to  be  imprinted,  with  a  searing  iron,  in  a  table  of 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA. 


359 


firewood:   "  I  do  not  this  as  unto  Spaniards,  nor  as  unto  mariners,       1567. 
but  as  unto  traitors,  robbers,  and  murtkerers" 

Afterwards,  considering  he  had  not  men  enough  to  keep  his 
forts  which  he  had  won,  much  less  to  store  them,  fearing,  also, 
lest  the  Spaniards,  which  hath  dominions  near  adjoining,  should 
renew  his  forces,  or  the  savages  should  prevail  against  the 
Frenchmen,  unless  his  Majesty  would  send  thither,  he  resolved 
to  raze  them.  And,  indeed,  after  he  had  assembled,  and,  in  the 
end,  persuaded  all  the  savage  kings  so  to  do,  they  caused  their 
subjects  to  run  thither  with  such  effect,  that  they  overthrew 
all  the  three  forts  flat,  even  with  the  ground,  in  one  day.  This 
done  by  GOURGUES,  that  he  might  return  to  his  ships,  which 
were  left  in  the  River  of  Seine,  called  Tacatacourou,  fifteen 
leagues  distant  from  thence,  he  sent  CAZENOVE  and  the  artil 
lery  by  water;  afterward,  with  four-score  harquebusiers,  armed 
with  corselets,  and  matches  lit,  followed,  with  forty  mariners, 
bearing  pikes,  by  reason  of  the  small  confidence  he  was  to  have 
in  so  many  savages,  he  marched  by  land,  always  in  battle  array  ; 
finding  the  ways  covered  with  savages,  which  came  to  honor 
him  with  presents  and  praises,  as  the  deliverer  of  all  the  coun 
tries  round  about  adjoining.  An  old  woman,  among  the  rest, 
said  unto  him,  that  now  she  cared  not  any  more  to  die,  since 
she  had  seen  the  Frenchmen  once  again  in  Florida,  and  the 
Spaniards  chased  out.  Briefly,  being  arrived,  and  finding  his 
ships  set  in  order,  and  everything  ready  to  set  sail,  he  counseled 
the  kings  to  continue  in  the  amity  and  ancient  league  which 
they  had  made  with  the  King  of  France,  which  would  defend 
them  against  all  nations;  which  they  all  promised,  shedding  tears 


360  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF 

1567-  because  of  his  departure — OLOCOTARA  especially;  for  appeasing 
of  whom,  he  promised  them  to  return  within  twelve  moons  (so 
they  count  the  year),  and  that  his  King  would  send  them  an 
army,  and  store  of  knives  for  presents,  and  all  other  things 
necessary.  So  that,  after  he  had  taken  his  leave  of  them,  and 
assembled  his  men,  he  thanked  GOD  of  all  his  success  since  his 
setting  forth,  and  prayed  to  Him  for  a  happy  return.  The  3d  day 
of  May,  1568,  all  things  were  made  ready,  the  rendezvous 
appointed,  and  the  anchors  weighed  to  set  sail  so  prosperously, 
that,  in  seventeen  days,  they  ran  eleven  hundred  leagues,  con 
tinuing  which  course,  they  arrived  at  Rochelle  the  1st  of  June, 
the  thirty-fourth  day  after  their  departure  from  the  River  of 
May,  having  lost  but  a  small  pinnace,  and  eight  men  in  it,  with 
a  few  gentlemen,  and  others,  which  were  slain  in  the  assault 
ing  of  the  forts. 

After  the  cheer  and  good  entertainment  which  he  received  of 
those  of  Rochelle,  he  sailed  to  Bordeaux,  to  inform  M.  MONLUC 
of  the  things  above  mentioned;  albeit,  he  was  advertised  of 
eighteen  pinnaces,  and  a  great  ship  of  two  hundred  tons,  full  of 
Spaniards,  which,  being  assured  of  the  defeat  in  Florida,  and 
that  he  was  at  Rochelle,  came  as  far  as  Che-de-Bois  the  same 
day  that  he  departed  thence,  and  followed  him  as  far  as  Blay 
(but  he  was  gotten  already  to  Bordeaux),  to  make  him  yield 
another  account  of  his  voyage  than  that  wherewith  he  made 
many  Frenchmen  right  glad.  The  Catholic  king,  being  after- 
Ward  informed  that  GOURGUES  could  not  easily  be  taken,  offered 
a  great  sum  of  money  to  him  that  Could  bring  him  his  head  ; 
praying,  moreover,  King  CHARLES  to  do  justice  on  him,  as  of  the 


LOUISIANA  AND  FLORIDA.  o£  l 

author  of  so  bloody  an  act,  contrary  to  their  alliance  and  good 
league  of  friendship.  Insomuch  as,  coming  to  Paris  to  present 
himself  unto  the  King,  to  signify  unto  him  the  success  of  his 
voyage,  and  the  means  which  he  had  to  subdue  this  whole 
country  unto  his  obedience  (wherein  he  offered  to  employ  his 
life  and  all  his  goods),  he  found  his  entertainment  and  answer  so 
contrary  to  his  expectation,  that,  in  fine,  he  was  constrained  to 
hide  himself  a  long  space  in  the  Court  of  Roanne,  about  the  year 
1570;  and,  without  the  assistance  of  President  MARIGNY,  in 
whose  house  he  remained  certain  days,  and  of  the  Receiver  of 
Vacqmeulx,  which  always  was  his  faithful  friend,  he  had  been  in 
great  danger;  which  grieved  not  a  little  DOMINIQUE  DE  GOUR- 
GUES,  considering  the  services  which  he  had  done,  as  well  unto 
him  as  to  his  predecessors,  kings  of  France.  He  was  born  in 
Mount  Marsan,  in  Guyenne,  and  employed  for  the  service  of 
the  most  Christian  kings  in  all  the  armies  made  since  these 
twenty-five  or  thirty  years.  At  last,  he  had  the  charge  and  honor 
of  a  captain,  which,  in  a  place  near  unto  Seine,  with  thirty 
soldiers,  sustained  the  brunt  of  a  part  of  the  Spanish  army,  by 
which,  being  taken  in  the  assault,  and  having  all  his  men  cut 
to  pieces,  he  was  put  into  a  galley,  in  token  of  the  good  war 
and  singular  favor  which  the  Spaniard  is  wont  to  show  us; 
but,  as  the  galley  was  going  toward  Sicily,  being  taken  by 
the  Turks,  led  away  to  Rhodes,  and  thence  to  Constantinople; 
it  was  shortly  afterward  recovered  by  ROMEGUAS,  commander 
over  the  army  of  Malta. 

By  this  means,  returning   home,  he   made  a  voyage   on  the 
coast  of  Africa,  whence  he  took  his  course  to  Brazil,  and  to  the 


362  HISTORICAL  COLLECTIONS  OF  LOUISIANA,   ETC. 

1567.  South  Sea.  At  length,  being  desirous  to  repair  the  honor  of 
France,  he  set  upon  Florida,  with  such  success  as  you  have 
heard.  So  that,  being  become,  by  his  continual  warlike  actions, 
both  by  land  and  sea,  no  less  valiant  captain  than  skillful  mari 
ner,  he  hath  made  himself  feared  by  the  Spaniards,  and  accept 
able  unto  the  Queen  of  England,  for  the  desert  of  his  virtues. 

To  conclude,  the   Chevalier  DE   GOURGUES  died  in  the  year 
1582,  to  the  great  grief  of  such  as  knew  him. 


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